Power Play

Bangladesh’s military-backed government is trying to oust two of the nation’s most prominent politicians. They’re not going quietly.

HASSAN SHAHRIAR, Special to Newsweek




Rashed Ahmed / AFP-Getty Images

Hasina’s supporters protest her arrest on extortion charges earlier this month

View related photos

MORE than 25 years ago, Bangladesh's leading politicians persuaded two housewives to enter the public arena. The women spearheaded agitation, forced a military dictator to quit power and restored parliamentary democracy in their impoverished nation. Then the two arch rivals won elections in popular votes and alternated as prime ministers for more than a decade in the predominantly Muslim country. Now their era of dominance may be coming to an ignominious end.

Khaleda Zia, 62, inherited the political legacy of her slain husband, President Gen. Ziaur Rahman, and Sheikh Hasina, 59, that of her assassinated father, the nation's founding leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Both were top contenders for power in Bangladesh’s next election, scheduled for late 2008. But now both face a permanent exile from politics as even their own supporters accuse them of corruption, cronyism and attempts to establish political dynasties. While both have denied the charges, matters took a new turn with last week’s arrest of Hasina on extortion charges. Hasina is also accused of playing a role in four killings allegedly committed by members of her opposition Awami League during a riot last year.

Hasina’s arrest was the latest step by Bangladesh’s interim military-backed government to force her and Zia out of the country. The seven-month-old caretaker regime, which took charge after 30 people were killed in clashes following the end of Zia's five-year term, has cracked down on corruption and pledged to hold credible elections next year. In recent weeks it has detained more than 170 key political leaders, businessmen and public servants on charges of graft and abuse of power. It has also begun encouraging reformists to challenge Zia and Hasina and patronizing groups that established two new political parties. "[Zia and Hasina] delivered nothing to the nation in [the] last 26 years," says Ataur Rahman, a Dhaka University teacher and president of the Bangladesh Political Science Association. "It is time for them to yield to new leadership.

Hasina argues that the charges against her are false and aimed at keeping her from fighting at the polls. "It's a conspiracy to stop me from speaking for the rights of the people," she told a court that rejected her bail petition and sent her to a makeshift sub-jail last week. "I've done nothing wrong." Hasina's arrest has sparked violent protests and brought strong condemnations from lawyers, teachers, political parties and media. Teachers at Dhaka University—hub of the nation’s political activity—wore black badges and boycotted classes Sunday to protest Hasina's arrest and Zia's harassment. Zia, who is not on speaking term with Hasina, has also condemned the arrest and demanded her release.

Meanwhile, many analysts believe that Zia—currently in virtual confinement at her Dhaka Cantonment house—may be the next to be arrested. The government's anticorruption commission has given the two leaders seven days to submit wealth reports detailing their income and assets. Zia’s elder son, Tarique Rahman, an heir apparent during his mother's reign, is already in jail facing a number of corruption charges. And the election commission is drafting laws to disqualify people from seeking votes if they are convicted on corruption charges.

The big question now is how recent developments could affect Bangladeshi politics in the longer term. One fear: that the instability might give rise to Islamic extremism. Mizanur Rahman Shelley, a social scientist and chairman of the Centre for Development Research, Bangladesh (CDRB), compares the situation with the reign of Iran's Reza Shah Pahlavi, who systematically crushed liberal democrats. "The vacancy was filled slowly but steadily by the extremist religious elements, led by mullahs," notes Shelley. "Towards the end, the Shah had some of the confined nationalist leaders to his aid, but it was too late. The extremists took over."

It is unclear just how much support there is for fundamentalists in Bangladesh. However, there are also fears that the military—which has ruled Bangladesh directly or indirectly for 15 years since it achieved independence from Pakistan in 1971—might consolidate its grip on the country. At present, the generals are simply supporting the civilian caretaker administration, but some Bangladeshis favor setting up a security council to give the military a more formal role in government. "There should be a mechanism so that the military can play its role in policymaking," says Rahman. "There is a need for stabilization of the civil-military relationship." The army chief, Gen. Moeen U. Ahmed, is brushing aside such speculation—for now, at least. "We have no intention to take power," he says. "We are supporting the caretaker government. The security council is not a priority issue." Nonetheless, the general feels that the nation's constitution must be rewritten to maintain a balance of power between the figurehead president and the all-powerful prime minister.

Most Bangladeshis have applauded the government's drive against corruption, but they also have other priorities. One example: they complain that the government has hardly taken any step to control price hikes. "There are high prices, tight monetary measures and economic uncertainty," says Qazi Kholiquzzaman Ahmad, president of the Bangladesh Economic Association. "The government needs to address them quickly on the reality of the grounds, not on any dogma."

There’s also the issue of party politics. Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Hasina's Awami League are bitterly divided. Reformists within the two parties—encouraged by the government—both want to loosen the vise of their leaders by introducing term limits that would end their control. "A lot of damage has been done to our politics," says A. H. Mofazzal Karim, Zia's adviser and a leading reformist. "We should start a new chapter which will not allow repetition of evildoings of the past." Others, however, argue that such attempts can be counterproductive. "The reform will not bring positive results for the country if it is forced on political parties," says Akbar Ali Khan, a former adviser to the caretaker government. "Solutions will not come if only the parties are split in the name of reforms."

Zia herself believes the government wants to break up the two parties, accusing it of failing to act against those trying to oust her and Hasina. "[The government] imposed restrictions on our movements, but [it is] not touching those who are speaking about reforms, she charged during a conference call with leaders of her party's Australian branch Saturday night. "Their only agenda is to split the party." Both Zia and Hasina still command large followings, and their opponents have neither the mass appeal nor the charisma of these dominant figures. But given the government's determination to be rid of them, that won't be enough to keep them in the center of the political stage much longer. #

Hassan Shahriar is Executive Editor of Bangladesh's leading newspaper Dainik Ittefaq, also correspondent for Newsweek magazine. He is current International President of the Commonwealth Journalists Association (CJA). He could be reached shahriar@bangla.net

This article was contribute special to Newsweek and published on July 24, 2007
© 2007 Newsweek, Inc.

A satiric note on current Bangladesh situation

BIMAK MITUL

IT seems that mission of the Army-backed government is to politically finish the family of Bangabandhu first! Case statistics show that number of cases filed against Begum Zia is only two. It gives us an impression that Begum Zia is less corrupt than Hasina, who has championed in Corruption with 12/14 cases with whole family! That is why Hasina is arrested first. But reality contradicts. The govt. was disturbed by a survey of the WEEKLY 2000 (Saptahik 2000) that Hasina has still more acceptance in her party than Begum Zia. It is hard to create a conflict within AL. Being failed, now they are planning to arrest "so-called" reformist leaders. Luckily, couple of them are out of the country. They have saved themselves already playing tricky politics with Army-backed administration.

Now Gen. Moeen is saying that Bangabandhu will be given due place in history. But we afraid the way "might is right" adage is going on, after couple of years they will do a rank of order where Bangabandhu will be in number 5/6!

Sheikh Rehana spoke the right thing "Might is Right". Yes, Army is believed to be the number one SHOT (HONEST) institution in Bangladesh as it is indirectly endorsed by our eminent lawyers. Interestingly at the same time, echoing with Army chief, now Dr. Kamal Hossain is also saying the need of changing the constitution of the country. The problem is that we talked against Hazari, Hazi Selim, Hazari for their muslceman like attitude and arrogance, but like DGFI and talking against Jamaat-Shibir's "Rogkata" bahini in Bangladesh has become a taboo. Whether we like Sk. Hasina or not, at least she always raises her voice against that "Rogkata" bahini. It is hard to find whether our noble peace prize winner Dr. Yunus ever say a word against Jamaat-Shibir and their fundamentalist friends in his public lecture or opinionates or about the state of minority repression in Bangladesh. Does it mean "sometime might is right is justified"? What Army is doing right now, and what Jamaat-Shibir (a very "democratic party" with a captivated Majlish e Shura) usually does, we have to accept that their actions are necessary for the "Honest Democracy" in Bangladesh.

Jamaati top rank leaders and four star generals in Bangladesh should be given next Nobel Peace Prize for re-inventing a new style of (Honest) Democracy in Bangladesh with the support of Guns and Swords. Actually, they are not different than Tarique Rahman (who once told in a news interview that Islam often allows force/violence to get the things done). Who knows there may have a drama going on in Bangladesh? Who knows? May be, everything is very unclear. Because Honest Democracy talks against dynasty but not that much about transparency. Perhaps, Honesty does not require transparency as everybody knows it is a honest system at least when Nobel laureate and the proponent of BD constitution also similarly talk about Honest Politics. In such context, Bangladeshis would love to see our respected doctorates and Prof. Golam Azom work together for Bangladesh. We are waiting to see their dreamy Honest Government (!) in Bangladesh. Then our all doctorates and Ameers of Jihadism will be able to remove the country's name from the list of "most watched countries" in the world!!! Will they?

Who defines democractic change in Bangladesh? Army - students studying in the capital or private universities or abroad - businessmen - civil society people with higher and stable income - Radical Islamists (Bcoz their gurus like Al Quida has already issued a sermon that don't stand by the side of corrupt politicians or governments of Muslim countries). Does anybody talk to or listen to the symbol of our common people "Aijuddin" - "Koshte Achhe Aijuddin"! #

BIMAK MITUL, is post graduate student at Baton Rouge, Louisiana

British leaders protest Hasina's detention

Bangladesh arrest

Sir, Bangladesh, a strategic country of 150 million people, has a proud history of progress under secular democracy since its independence in 1971, punctuated by regrettable periods of regression under authoritarian military rule. We are therefore gravely concerned about the undignified arrest this week of the former Prime Minister and Awami League president Sheikh Hasina. She was seized in the early hours of July 16 and imprisoned under emergency powers that appear to deny her basic legal rights, including legal representation.

Sheikh Hasina returned voluntarily to her homeland in early May to answer accusations of extortion and murder laid against her, even though the Government sought actively to keep her in exile while transiting through London after a family visit to the US. There are widespread allegations that her arrest is politically motivated before the promised elections now unfortunately delayed to 2008 by the caretaker Government. It is also deeply insensitive that she has been summoned to appear before a criminal court on August 15, which is the 32nd anniversary of the assassination of her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who founded the modern Bangladeshi state along with 15 other members of her family.

We call upon the authorities to release her on bail so that she can prepare her defence. She has already surrendered her passport and poses no conceivable security risk or risk of attempting to evade justice. Sheikh Hasina must also be afforded a fair and impartial trial in the event that this prosecution is pursued further.

When the caretaker Government was formed earlier this year we all had high expectations that it would follow through on its promises of rapid, free and fair elections, and enable a restoration of the rule of law with full respect for fundamental human rights.

We are friends of a free and democratic Bangladesh and now urge the caretaker Government to live up to its political and moral obligations.

ANNE MAIN MP
Conservative

CHARLES TANNOCK MEP
Conservative

SIMON HUGHES MP
Liberal Democrat

BARONESS LUDFORD MEP
Liberal Democrat

HARRY COHEN MP
Labour

BARONESS MANZILA POLA UDDIN
Labour

The letter has been published in The Times, London, July 23, 2007
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/debate/letters/article2120659.ece

Bangladesh: Lock up your leading ladies

A curious democratic roadmap

IN MOST countries, ambitious generals and unelected governments have a poor track record of delivering democracy. But this is still the promise to Bangladesh made by the generals who assumed emergency powers in January and the pliable administration they installed. This week the election commission published a roadmap to parliamentary elections to be held before the end of 2008. But the government was silent on when the state of emergency will be lifted.

The next day the government reminded people of one reason why their constitutional rights remain suspended. It stepped up its purge of corrupt politicians, officials and businessmen, more than 150 of whom have been arrested since the beginning of the year.

The police arrested and jailed Sheikh Hasina Wajed, prime minister between 1996 and 2001. She is accused of both extortion and complicity in murder. The police also summoned her nemesis, Khaleda Zia, prime minister until last October, but now in effect under house arrest, to appear in court next month. Both leaders will have to submit “wealth statements” to a powerful Anti-Corruption Commission. Unlike Mrs Zia, who has been more or less dropped by her party, Sheikh Hasina is still popular. So security forces were on the alert after her arrest. But protests were patchy rather than nationwide.

The government had earlier tried—and failed—to exile the two “begums”. In April it barred Sheikh Hasina from returning to the country from Britain, but relented under domestic and international pressure. Then it banned her from leaving. If the prosecutions of the two begums fail, it could spell the end of the interim government. The abortive bid to exile the women, who both led kleptocratic regimes, has already badly dented its credibility.

The anti-corruption drive has made the unelected regime relatively popular. But critics are now accusing it of abusing its wide-ranging emergency powers for political purposes. With almost the entire political class behind bars, the fear is that elections staged at the end of the clean-up will produce a puppet regime.

Last week the army chief, General Moeen U Ahmed, said that there was a need to “correct the constitution”, after a new parliament is in place. Though largely unreported, General Ahmed's promotion in May to a four-star rank means that he will stay on as army chief beyond his original retirement date of June 2008 into 2009, beyond the deadline for elections. There is already talk in Dhaka that the army is thinking of changing the constitution along Turkish lines, giving itself a bigger role. This raises a grim prospect of a technocratic, top-down constitutional review, and an outcome few Bangladeshis would accept as legitimate. #

This article is first published in The Economist, Jul 19th 2007

http://economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=9525315

Extortion Case against Sheikh Hasina

Dr. ABDUL MOMEN

THE government has not submitted any case against Sheikh Hasina yet. She has been arrested and imprisoned for indefinite period to prepare a charge-sheet against her, as per the Law Advisor of the military-backed government, Mr. Mainul Hosein. The judge did not entertain any bail petition, instead ordered to produce her before the Court after 30 days. She was taken to jail from the Court in an indecent way. The Law Advisor further stated that unless she was arrested and taken into custody, she would be absconding and therefore, as per law, it was necessary to detain her to prepare a charge sheet [in present day Bangladesh many defendants of murders are allowed to move free even they are allowed to go abroad freely].

The Extortion Case: Background
Sheikh Hasina made many statements asking the interim government to return powers to an elected government quickly and the government did not like those criticisms. The last one was a bomb shell...she stated that the DGFI (Bangladesh military intelligence) is involved in breaking up the political parties and she wanted to know their budget. No wonder, she hit the most sensitive organization and therefore, she must be punished!!

Earlier in last May she came to visit her son and daughter in the U. S. and made few comments. The government did not like those and they therefore banned her return to her own country. As she was determined to return home, a businessman named Tajul Islam Faruq, Country Director of the Westmont Ltd., Energy Company was arrested and was taken into security interrogations.

First Attempt to lodge extortion case against Hasina
Mr. Faruq hurriedly lodged an extortion case of Taka 3 crore (30 million) against Sheikh Hasina with a view to stop her return home. He stated that he took the money in cash in a brief case to the Prime Minister's office and handed over the brief case to her. As the Bangladesh Prime Minister's Office is highly secured and each items are routinely checked many times in a series of checking posts and each appointment are recorded and meetings are video-taped, the government failed to find any collaboration of the event. Moreover, it was determined that a bag of Taka 3 crore (in 500 taka denominations) would weigh over 100 kg that is very difficult to carry by hand. Once Faruq's case did not hold water, they arrested two other businessmen, one Mr. Azam J. Chowdhury and the other, Mr. Nur Ali and they lodged extortion complaints against Sheikh Hasina.

The Second Case
When Azam Chowdhury, a businessman [Chairman & Managing Director of East Coast Group, a fast growing group engaged in International Trading, Manufacturing, Power Engineering, Blending lubricants, LPG Terminal, Mines & Minerals, Information Technology, Real Estate, including investments in Banks, Finance, Leasing, Insurance, etc] was taken into custody by the Security Forces [that are judge, jury and executioner of extra judicial killings in Bangladesh], he submitted a complaint stating that he paid $5.8 million (Taka 2.99 crore) to Sheikh Hasina's cousin, Sheikh Selim, a Health Minister in her cabinet. Mr. Chowdhury reportedly has been absconding since his submission. As per media reports, he further alleged that Sheikh Selim threatened him that unless he pays him the amount, he would get his contract (to build a power plant) cancelled by Prime Minister Hasina. The contract was never cancelled and his office paid Mr. Selim with bank checks in 8 instalments. Sheikh Selim who is also under government custody reportedly confessed in secret interrogation (edited versions of CDs of the secret interrogations have widely been distributed but government officials disowned them) after 'bottle treatment' (inhuman interrogation techniques) that he paid the money to Hasina's younger sister Sheikh Rehana and only in cash. Rehana lives in London, UK. Both Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana denied any knowledge of it.

Since Sheikh Selim, 1st cousin of Sheikh Hasina reportedly received the money in the name of Hasina, therefore, she has been arrested for 'extortion'. Is this a new face of Bangladesh legal system? Will it lead the nation to a new height or questionable outcomes?

Sheikh Hasina stated that she never ever received any money neither through extortion nor through bribe. She further stated that at times many business people contributed money to her party fund or to Bangabandhu Foundation, a philanthropic organization mostly with checks. She helps distressed people from that fund. All the monies that she received while speaking abroad at various universities were sent to that fund as well.

Why Sheikh Hasina has to go?
Unless Sheikh Hasina goes, military or techno-bureaucratic governments cannot rule the country smoothly nor could a 'National Government' comprising military, politicians, civil society, journalists and technocrats be safely established. Therefore, politicians those that have marginal followings or civil society or opinion leaders and civil-military bureaucrats that hardly reach common people or willing to take risks prefer to dump her and dump her for good. Secondly, she has both good and bad; her mouth is wide open, she likes her family but kept them away from Bangladesh politics and she is never afraid of speaking out for common people, the weak and the poor. She is a symbol of democracy and a torch bearer of the rights of the common people, the have-nots and their welfare. She initiated many progressive programs, for example, old-age pension, Mukti-judda batha (allowance), free education for girls, rehabilitation for Tokai (street children), set up the SAARC Fund for the victims of trafficking of women and children into slave like servitude, and signed the Water-Sharing Agreement with India and the Peace Deal with Chittagong Hill Tract and achieved near self-sufficiency in food production. She had the least corrupt government and her record of economic growth is the highest in Bangladesh till 2006. She maintained lowest inflation rate during her tenure out of her sensitivity to common people. She opened the electronic media, the private TV and the telecommunications including the GrameenPhone that brought many positive changes. As she had popular support, she was not weak and subservient either to national or international interest or pressure groups. Like all human beings she had weaknesses but rectified them when approached, for example, Gono Bhaban and the agreement with the Khilafat Party.

Why Good Opportunities in Bangladesh Somehow Turn Into Nightmares?
In 2001 when the Khaleda Zia got single majority unlike the AL, people expected better performance. Unfortunately, it reigned over the worst government that destroyed most of the nation's institutions and brought disgrace to politicians and politics. When former Chief Justice M. A. Hasan declined to take the charge of the Chief Advisor (CA) under public pressure, people hoped that a non-partisan CA would be installed. Instead they ended up with a worse choice, Dr. Iajuddin Ahmed, a highly partisan and ethically immoral CA. When the 1st Voter List under the partisan Election Commission (EC) was declared 'null and void' by the nation's High Court, people hoped to have a fair voter list. But alas! The new one ended up with over 13 million ghost voters. The people of Bangladesh desired to have a 'qualitative change in Bangladesh politics and government' and with the coming of the military-backed interim government, they breathe a sigh of relief. But the new manipulation and reform drama that are being staged is creating doubts among the people. People have started losing their faith and therefore, they want the interim government to hold a 'free, fair, non-violent and credible election' by January 2008.

The interim government did many commendable jobs and it reconstituted the EC, the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), the Public Service Commission (PSC) and started a jihad against corruption that was imperative. The political parties needed a real shake up to correctly realize their faults and greed. However since corruption jihad is becoming one-sided, and no institutional reform are in the offing yet unlike South Korea or Singapore, people are doubtful of its sustainability. Moreover, corruption cases are discharged in a way that tantamount to kangaroo courts. For example, Gias Uddin Al-Mamun, a close friend of Tareq Rahman, son of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia and a businessman by profession was sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment as a loaded pistol was found on his living room sofa on March 26, 2007. He was arrested on January 16 and was under government custody till the loaded pistol was found. People believe it was placed by security forces. He also got another 3 years of jail sentence as he failed to submit his income and wealth statements while he was under military custody. Another former Minister has been sentenced to 5 years of imprisonment for keeping 4 half-empty bottles of liquor belonging to his foreign born son-in-law that was visiting Bangladesh during 1/11. Such verdicts provide reasons for questioning. Unless transparency, judicial fairness and justice are uphold in the corruption cases, this great opportunity for a change would be lost and the nation will suffer.

Following Pakistan's General Pervez Musharraf's strategy, the interim government initially tried (1) to exile both Begums; Begum Zia of the BNP and Begum Hasina of the AL party. Once that strategy failed, they (2) tried to form a new party hoping that in the process, Hasina's AL and Zia's BNP would be weaken. But that did not work up to expectation. (3) In order to oust them from party leaderships, they therefore approached a few politicians of the AL and the BNP parties, many of whom are reportedly corrupt or facilitated corruption (BNP's Mannan Bhuiyan doled out maximum amount of grants to party operatives). Since corrupt politicians are vulnerable, they listened to them to avoid jail and submitted reform proposals principally aiming at removal of their two top leaders. Since such strategy known as 'Minus Two" is also finding difficulties especially in the case of the AL, therefore, the government is now trying to create 10 more criminal cases against Sheikh Hasina in order to disqualify her in the next elections (in Bangladesh under duress or payment, witnesses and false documents could easily be manipulated by government or powerful] The government knows that Hasina cannot be brought or sold neither she can be tamed since she has the spirit of her father, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founder of independent and sovereign Bangladesh.

The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) has asked both Sheikh Hasina and Begum Zia to submit their wealth and income statements for the last 60 years by next Monday, and if they fail to do it correctly, they will get 3 years imprisonment each. This should be a warning call to all citizens of Bangladesh to keep their life's wealth and income statements always ready and fresh!!!

Question is: will Hasina's departure bring good for the country? Her father's departure or murder did not bring good for the country. It neither helped achieving her father's dream, a golden Bengal, where rights of all people would be guaranteed, where economic deprivation and injustice would be a matter of the past. However, her father's killing helped Hasina to take the leadership role of the oldest party of Bangladesh, the AL. Will it repeat now? Will this arrest help her son Joy Wazed to get into politics? Will her arrest pave the demise of multi-party democracy in Bangladesh and/or will it lead it to a non-democratic country like most of the Muslim majority countries? Will it unite her party and the nation, and will it make her a real leader like her father who was arrested by Pakistan army as he was uncompromising on the rights of people and their economic welfare? Jailed Mujib was much more powerful than free Mujib. Will history repeat itself again? #

Dr. Abdul Momen, a professor of economics and business management, Boston, USA. He could be reached at: Sylhet@Verizon.net

Boston, USA, July 17, 2007

Pinning down both Begums could backfire against the Bangladesh authorities

SALEEM SAMAD

BANGLADESH pro-democracy leader Shiekh Hasina has been arrested by the quasi-military government on Monday (July 16) and observers believe that the axe fell on her for lambasting the dreaded military intelligence agency’s for meddling with politics.

While speaking to journalists last week, the former prime minister raised the bet in this cat-and-mouse game. She did not hesitate to open the pandora box - the hidden ambition of the military intelligence presently running a shadow “interim” government, what has long been regarded as a “taboo” and publicly accused the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence - the DGFI for interfering in state of affairs.

Twice leader of the opposition, Sheikh Hasina accused the military-run DGFI of ''arresting and torturing politicians'' and engaging in efforts to make or break mainstream political parties with a deliberate attempt to the tune of the band of military music.

''It is not the DGFI's business to get involved in politics, to make or break political parties. What kind of intelligence activity is it, when the agency tortures people, and administers electric shocks?'' she asked.

Following her demand to stop DGFI operating beyond its constitutional mandate, a member of hand-picked civilian advisers to run the military-backed government retired military General M.A. Matin frowned at her for grumbling against state security services.

Matin, the former chief of the DGFI on behalf of the government argued that "the government doesn't know the basis of her complaints."

The independent newspaper Daily Star editorial demands that it is an “imperative need of intelligence agencies required to be fully depoliticized and reform to address contemporary challenges.”

District administration with advice from DGFI is once again engaged in the notorious task to set up a “kings party” with “political urchins” laundered as “Mr. Clean” in small towns, as Mahfuz Anam admitted that he disbelieved earlier reports from correspondent’s. Many observers suspect that after the institution building of the “kings party”, only then the election schedule would be announced.

Former Bangladesh guerrilla (Mukti bahini) officers, Anam strongly suggest that this “is no way to strengthen democracy. Just as 'command economy' failed so will 'command politics'. The core of democracy is people's right to choose their leaders and those who will represent them in the government.”

The government has promised to hold elections before the end of 2008. But Sheikh Hasina believes that is too long in power for an unelected administration without any accountability.

Three days later, she was arrested on charges of extortion and graft laid against her over a month ago, which current TIME magazine interprets as netting another “big fish” for extortion.

Earlier, she was charged in a murder case allegedly involving her Awami League party members in the death of four Islamist activists during demonstrations last October. The government is also reviving a number of corruption cases filed against her several years ago during Khaleda Zia’s regime.

Nevertheless the detention of a former Bangladesh prime minister sparked harsh media criticism, including warnings that the move could backfire against the authorities.

Reacting to Hasina’s arrest independent newspaper Daily Star editor Mahfuz Anam comments that it “is totally misconceived and smacks of arrogant use of power without due process of law.”

In an angry editorial, Daily Star blasted the government for arresting Sheikh Hasina and said it was “a wrong and unacceptable decision” and also writes: The law is certainly to be applied to everyone equally, but in Sheikh Hasina's case, the action of the government smacks of an arbitrary use of power.

To many observers in the capital Dhaka, it was only a matter of time before she was arrested. Her supporters believe there is more politics than law behind her arrest, writes Sabir Mustafa on BBC online.

Sheikh Hasina, prime minister for the five years through 2001 and accused of corruption during her rule, was taken from her home in Dhaka and sent to a special jail, near the magnificent parliament as her supporters and political activists protested.

Awami League’s chief Shiekh Hasina and Bangladesh Nationalists Party chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia alternatively took turn in governing the country since 1991, after the nine-year old military dictator General H.M. Ershad collapsed in violent pro-democracy protest orchestrated by the two major political parties.

However social scientists, civil society and media intermittently blamed both the regimes of for poor governance, nationwide corruption, poor economic growth, impunity to predators of human rights and press freedom, spiralling price of groceries, and of course failing to contain muscle flexing of Islamist. None of the issues were paid attention which blatantly contradicted electoral pledges, instead intimidated critics, specially the independent journalists.

Star editor speaking his mind said, we accept that our leaders, including Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, betrayed our trust in many cases and over many years. We also agree that we got tired and fed up with confrontational and destructive politics and that we all yearned for a change. But “we never agreed to bargain our democracy for 'knights in shining armour' to save us from dire straits.”

The nation has been in political turmoil since January, when an army-backed government took power after violent protests and strikes by rival supporters of the two women led to elections being cancelled scheduled in last January.

The army-backed interim administration sacked the caretaker government, and imposed state of emergency in mid January. The authority’s banned political and trade union activities, imposed blanket censorship and launched a crackdown on politicians.

Consolidating quasi-military rule, the army chief Lt. General Moeen U Ahmed vowed to clean up the country's notoriously graft-ridden politics before holding new elections in December 2008.

Weeks after the “politico-military” take-over, Bangladesh's army chief lambaste the country's politicians, saying democracy in Bangladesh had so far led to criminalisation of politics threatening the state's survival. He says the country should not go back to being run by an "elective democracy".

The new administration in it’s first attempt netted 170 high-profile politicians businessmen and influential bureaucrats and slammed for graft, abuse of power, extortion, tax evasion, money laundering, and also leading extravagance lifestyle in the 150 million poverty-stricken nation.

Among high-profile politicians including Tareque Rahman, son of Khaleda Zia, have been detained for graft and abuse of power. Khaleda also faces charges of extortion and abuse of power.

The TIME magazine does not hesitate to write: “Many ordinary Bangladeshis applauded the anti-corruption drive when it began and love the fact that the former leaders of a country widely perceived as amongst the most corrupt in the world are finally facing justice.”

None were arrested who were blessed with impunity for being predator of defenders of human rights, independent journalists and violence against religious minorities.

Till now, a handful have been convicted by special fast-track courts and sentenced to between three and 13 years.

In another scenario once again Khaleda Zia has been unofficially placed under house arrest. Except for close relatives, the party leaders have been barred to visit the leader since July 15.

The BNP chairperson now spends time with family members at her home hemmed in by security personnel. The main gate of her home at capital’s military garrison remains locked and can only be unlocked after green light from the intelligence agencies.

House staff member Yunus told journalists that "Madam reads newspapers, says her prayers and recites from the holy Quran."

In April, the government tried to exile Sheikh Hasina by barring her from returning to Bangladesh from the United States, where she had been visiting her only daughter and son and was stranded at London airport ignoring specific international laws that govern international travel.

But the government backed down over the ban and she made a triumphant return welcomed by thousands of supporters.

At the same time, Zia also appeared to be on the brink of being exiled to Saudi Arabia, but those moves also fell through.

Likewise, when she tried to travel to America in late June to see her expectant daughter, the police deployed additional forces and prevented her from going to the airport.

Hasina also made harshest observance that democracy will not be established if the military backed government works with a plan to bring someone specific or some specific forces to power.

All the while, Sheikh Hasina has been campaigning for early elections, suggesting that the military-backed caretaker government did not have a mandate to govern for a long time.

The state has once again plunged into uncertainty and is likely to backfire the reforms the authorities promised to the people. #

Saleem Samad is editor of DurDesh.net, a news portal for South Asian diaspora in North America. He is presently living in exile in Canada and could be reached at saleemsamad@hotmail.com

This is no way to strengthen democracy

Just as "command economy" failed, so will "command politics"

MAHFUZ ANAM

The only reason that the caretaker government has survived six months in power, and the chief advisor acknowledges it every time an occasion arises, is because the general public think of it to be an instrument to strengthen democracy. But now if this very instrument of 'strengthening democracy' becomes a symbol of mindless and arbitrary use of power, then how will the public distinguish it from such previous abusers of power and continue to lend it support?

As a newspaper which supported the reform process of this government, we raise the above question in all seriousness. For we think by arresting Sheikh Hasina on charges that can easily be tried without her internment, the government has put at risk all its achievements of the last six months. To us Sheikh Hasina's arrest is totally misconceived and smacks of arrogant use of power without due process of law. To say that nobody is above the law must also mean that law is not the handmaiden of anybody either.

Examine the arbitrariness with which Sheikh Hasina's has been treated. She was allowed to go abroad and just because she spoke out against some actions of this government, (having earlier promised to ratify everything) suddenly several cases were filed against her. Then, when every government would want an accused to return to the country to face the charges, the government decided that she would not be allowed to come. Why and under what law and whose authority, we still don't know. In a most childish move all foreign airlines were asked not to take her on board, ignoring specific international laws that govern international travel. Then, just as suddenly she was allowed to return to a tumultuous welcome at the airport, which then resulted in cases against 5,000 unidentified attendees. (How these cases will be pursued only God knows).

Things were quiet for a while as the AL chief kept mum. She was allowed some movement but stopped whenever she would make a comment. In the latest instances of arbitrariness, Sheikh Hasina was allowed to visit the ailing Sabina Yasmin but Khaleda Zia was not.

In Khaleda Zia's case a comedy was enacted with her going abroad. The plan was to send her into exile and the bargaining was whether or not she will be allowed to take her two sons with her. We saw the drama of Koko -- being charged with extortion (same as Sheikh Hasina), arrested and then released within a day with the case still pending. The drama continued for days which later turned out to be a farce as the BNP chief did not even have a visa for any country willing to host her. She had to negotiate to visit her husband's grave and seek clearance every time she went anywhere. Again the question is why, and under what law her movements are curtailed.

We trust the chief of staff when he says that the Army is not involved in politics or forming any new party. But what do we do when we receive reports from our correspondents that district administrators are making lists of so-called clean politicians and that many of them are being visited by the powers that be goading them to join the new so-called king's party? What do we do when senior leaders of both the BNP and the AL tell us of powerful visitors asking them to move against their party leaders or face corruption charges?

We would like to strongly suggest that this is no way to strengthen democracy. Just as 'command economy' failed so will 'command politics'. The core of democracy is people's right to choose their leaders and those who will represent them in the government. We accept that we made some bad choices in the past. We accept that our leaders, including Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, betrayed our trust in many cases and over many years. We also agree that we got tired and fed up with confrontational and destructive politics and that we all yearned for a change. But we never agreed to bargain our democracy for 'knights in shining armour' to save us from dire straits.

We repeat that we welcomed the emergency for the simple reason that the election that was looming before us was going to further destroy our democracy, which had been battered by years of partisan politics from both sides. We supported the caretaker government, and we still do, simply because we want to go back to democracy, albeit greatly strengthened and made free of corruption. But arresting leaders at whim and 'punishing' them for making critical comments is no way of doing that.

In reference to the economy our Nobel Laureate Prof Muhammad Yunus had told an earlier government: "We do not need your help, just remove the obstacles and let people do the rest." We say the same thing today about politics to the caretaker government and to the armed forces that are helping them. We don't need your help in doing politics. Just remove the obstacles and let people do the rest. Here obstacles means corruption, lack of appropriate laws, necessary oversight mechanism, independent judiciary, Election Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission, Public Service Commission, depoliticised bureaucracy and law enforcement agencies.

Much of the above the government is doing, and creditably so. But the tragedy is that it is doing something more. It is attempting to manipulate our politics by trying to predetermine who will be and who will not be a part of its future. This is neither desirable nor doable and even if forced, not sustainable. Every leader possessing slightest bit of integrity will shy away from being a part of this process. Those who will be forced to participate in this process will lack credibility to command any respect and thus be unable to provide stability. And those who will volunteer to be part of this process, and there will be many as there has been in the past, will not be worth the paper their names will be written on.

If anybody expects to bring about a dynamic Bangladesh through such group of opportunists can only be termed as being totally devoid of any knowledge of history, especially of this part of the world, and specifically of Bangladesh.

The chief election commissioner's roadmap of Sunday had cleared the air considerably about the coming elections. But yesterday's arrest of Sheikh Hasina brought in some dark clouds over the election horizon. Suspicion has been sown that though the process and mechanics of the coming election may be free and fair, through "command politics" those participating in it may be pre-selected and thereby predetermining the outcome. Simply put "command politics" will yield "command victors" and thus instead of elected government we'll have a puppet government.

We hope that the above nightmarish scenario will not happen. It is imperative that immediate and credible steps be taken to remove all suspicion about it. For a start we think Sheikh Hasina should be set free. Let all credible cases be brought against her and let her face the law and the courts and let the people judge her for what she is. Further, we need lifting of ban on indoor politics. This will allow the reformists and the old guards to fight in the open and give the public a chance to understand the issues and make their judgment. It is our firm belief that there is a groundswell of support for reforms in every aspect of our politics. The leaders who will oppose reforms will be rejected by the voters, if not by the party activists and supporters. But the reform process has to be open and free, and not manipulated.

We conclude by urging the army-backed caretaker government not to jeopardise the whole reform process and the considerable success that this government has achieved in fighting corruption and bringing some institutional reforms by wittingly or unwittingly becoming over-ambitious and taking more on their plate than they can digest. The fundamental mistake committed by past proponents of "command politics" was to underestimate the wisdom of our masses. We cannot afford a repeat of that mistake. #

Mahfuz Anam is a editor of independent Daily Star published from Bangladesh

Bangladesh emergency six months on

JOHN SUDWORTH

THIS week a picture of an 85-year-old man appeared on the front pages of Bangladesh's newspapers.

Monoranjan Roy was shown handcuffed, with a rope tied around his waist, being led away to start a six-month prison sentence. The old man's crime? Failure to repay a loan worth US $132.

So far, so commonplace for poverty-stricken Bangladesh. But Monoranjan's tale has an unusual ending.

He was granted an 11th-hour reprieve from the indignity of jail - not by the mercy of the courts, nor as a result of the generosity of his creditors, but by the Chief of the Army Staff, General Moeen U Ahmed.

Reportedly moved by Monoranjan's plight, the army chief stumped up the cash to cover the debt from his own pocket.

"May God bless him," was the old man's tearful response.

Six months after widespread rioting forced the cancellation of January's general election, Bangladesh remains under a state of emergency.

And six months on there are many people who may feel less kindly disposed towards the philanthropic general.

A series of military raids have seen dozens of senior politicians, many of them former cabinet ministers and household names, arrested and jailed.

Gen Ahmed argues that that is exactly where they should be.

Questions to answer
For a glimpse of what this military-backed emergency government is all about you could do worse than wander along to Dhanmondi police station in central Dhaka.

A peek over the wall reveals that the forecourt has begun to resemble a luxury car showroom, packed with impounded cars belonging to the arrested political elite.

Their owners, many of whom have accrued enormous wealth during their few short years in power in one of the world's poorest countries, are now awaiting trial.

Led by former banker Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed, with the military marching in step, the government has vowed to make the crackdown on corruption its priority.

Lt Gen Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury, a former army chief, has been appointed head of the reformed Anti-Corruption Commission.

"It is indeed a very big task," he says. "But someone has to start the action."

He says the arrests have so far been focused, by necessity, mainly on politicians.

"There is a saying in this part of the world that the fish rots from the head. So the political leaders must answer first I believe."

But with more than 60 national level politicians arrested so far, Lt Gen Chowdhury insists the net will be cast more widely.

"The only criterion we shall go by is did an individual become rich through unfair means", he says.

Special courts have been set up to hear the cases, and the first convictions have begun rolling in.

But although the emergency government is still enjoying popular support for its anti-corruption drive, some are raising concerns.

'People with guns'
Under the emergency many basic rights remain suspended, and all political activity is banned.

The political parties themselves have accused the emergency government of forcing them to undertake internal reforms.

"With the army what happens is that the top party leadership is probably aware that they cannot do a lot of things," says Sultana Kamal, a lawyer and human rights activist.

"But at the bottom, people with guns and power do not always pay respect to that."

She says she is concerned about the rights of the arrested politicians, but says most people are generally happy at their detention.

"It is the elected politicians who are basically responsible for the condition we are thrown into now."

There can be little doubt that the boundary between the emergency administration and its military backers is very blurred.

This week the army chief found time out from saving old men from prison to give a speech about his view of the future.

Two years, he said, is not enough to "heal the rot of the past 35 years". He called for a review of the constitution after next year's elections to ensure the drive against corruption would continue.

Six months on, Bangladesh's emergency government faces real challenges, not least its ability to demonstrate a desire and ability to hand power back to an elected government.

But for many years the plight of poor men like Monoranjan Roy has been made worse by the graft and greed of some of those in authority.

"The first job is to drive the fear of Allah into the minds of those who have been involved in corruption, or of those who are potentially corrupt," the chairman of the Anti-Corruption Commission says.

Bangladesh has long been ranked as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. It remains to be seen whether this emergency government really can begin to turn the tide. #

John Sudworth is BBC News correspondent and is based in Dhaka, Bangladesh

Former prime minister slams military intelligence for interference in state politics

SALEEM SAMAD

AFTER a long silence former prime minister and also leader of the opposition lambaste military intelligence for interfering into state politics and administration.

Since the military backed interim government took charge in 11 January, in the game of anti-graft drive has been harassing and intimidating politicians and leaders of the two mainstream political parties. Their first attempt was to arrest scores of politicians who were former members of parliament, former ministers, and influential officials with the Prime Minister’s Office and condemned them for corruption, extortion, tax evasion, money laundering, illegally amassing wealth, and leading extravagance lifestyle in the 140 million poverty-stricken country.

Both the women leaders – chief of Awami League Shiekh Hasina and chief of Bangladesh Nationalists Party Begum Khaleda Zia entered politics for their dynasty rule. Hasina’s father Shiekh Mujibur Rahman, the founder of Bangladesh was assassinated in a military putsch in August 1975, while Khaleda took charge of the helms of affairs of BNP after her husband General Ziaur Rahman, a liberation war hero was assassinated by another military putsch in May 1981, few years after he became the President.

Awami League President Sheikh Hasina on July 9 blasted a particular security agency and described that a civilized and democratic society cannot let an intelligence outfit to control everything while it is 'arresting and torturing politicians and intimidating them to tell what the security service like to listen'.

Twice leader of the opposition, she categorically blamed the dreaded Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and asked them to stop operating beyond its constitutional mandate and instead ensure national security.

Promptly an adviser of the military-backed interim government M.A. Matin expressed his surprise and said he is not aware what prompted Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina to grumble against intelligence agencies.

Matin, the former chief of the DGFI explained that "The government doesn't know the basis of her complaints." He told reporters, a day after Hasina accused intelligence services of "intimidating political leaders into divulging details" in custody.

"There was a difference between complaints and the reality. Anyone can complain, but the government is not aware of its grounds," the retired General argued.

Hasina who was once prime minister (1996-2001) threatened to demand of “the caretaker government to stop the agency from carrying out the atrocities and to make it carry out its real responsibilities. It is not their task to indulge in politics or to break up, nor create political parties. The people did not give them such mandate."

In response to trading accusation by Sheikh Hasina, an independent newspaper Daily Star in its editorial writes: Sheikh Hasina's critique on the role of intelligence agencies notwithstanding, we would like to take an overview of the tasks such agencies ought to be performing given their legal duties and responsibilities.

“Unfortunately, national interest came only second to partisan interest during last 15 years of elected government. It is not only during the military and quasi-military rule that the intelligence agencies were used to prop up the regime that enjoyed very little public support, the distressing aspect is that popularly elected governments could not resist the temptation either of employing these agencies to steal a march on the political opponents or harassing them to put them on the back foot.”

However, Star comments that imperative need of intelligence agencies required to be fully depoliticized and reform to address contemporary challenges.

The military intelligence always had an upper hand in state polity, since it was used to form political parties and manipulated to become the ruling parties. The security service (DGFI) was first formed by General Ziaur Rahman, when he grabbed power in 1975, months after Shiekh Mujib was assassinated by military officers.

DGFI was responsible for recruitment and political indoctrination of the political urchins turned politicians who formed the Bangladesh Nationalists Party in 1978, which is presently headed by Khaleda Zia.

After the assassination of President Ziaur Rahman, General H.H. Ershad once again gave responsibility to break up Awami League and BNP to form Jatiya Party, which now led by his wife Rawshan Ershad.

Since than, DGFI interfered into state polity, administration and national policy. The subsequent governments of Khaleda Zia and Shiekh Hasina failed to bring the security agency under parliament scrutiny. The Bangladesh Armed Forces imposed ban on discussion of military budget in parliament too.

DGFI has been blamed for torture, intimidation and harassment of scores of journalists, columnists, members of civil society, NGO leaders and businessmen for last 20 years. Forget about protests, even raising the issue of functions of DGFI invited their scorn face.

"If an undemocratic and unconstitutional government clings to power for long, then the problems of the people are not going to be resolved, rather those will be intensified," the Awami League chief said.

What prompted Sheikh Hasina to react was after the military intelligence released CDs based on interrogation of her party’s General Secretary Abdul Jalil and other senior political leaders including her first cousin Shiekh Fazlul Karim Selim. The CDs were passed to the newsroom of Bangladesh press. The CDs is also found in couple of websites and blogs and also available in stores in London, New York and Toronto.

Hasina questioned if there is any importance of any statement made under detention. "People might say anything under torture, but those statements carry no value at all," she added.

"I have asked my party leaders and activists to say whatever the intelligence agency forces them to say, say things even against me if necessary to avoid torture," Hasina said.

"What kind of intelligence activities are those when the intelligence agent’s torture people, administer electric shocks on detained persons, and threaten them with arrests of their wives and children?" Hasina asked.

If anyone commits a crime, that person should be punished after being proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law, she explained, but scaring the accused with prospects of arrests of their family members including their wives and children, which is no civility. "This is a blatant violation of human rights," she debated.

The AL president is so upset that she even demanded of the government to make public of the budget of DGFI and the purposes of expenditure.

She also questioned whether the budget includes splitting up mainstream political parties and for floating new political platform. "I want an answer," and said that playing with the fate of the people 'will not be tolerated'.

She observed that democracy will not be established if the military backed caretaker government works with a plan to bring someone specific or some specific forces to power. "If the government goes around doing its things with preconceived ideas, the people will not get their rights and there will be no accountability," she said.

The former prime minister said the country has a constitution. "So everyone must abide by the constitution. Defiance of the constitution did not bring good in the past, and it will not bring good in the future either," she said.

Needless to say, the functioning of any state agency, not to speak of the intelligence agencies, is governed by the Constitution and the law with the term of reference clearly spelt out. We cannot overlook the fact that their input is extremely important in determining national policies that go to uphold national interest by ensuring the nation's security, Star editorial commented. #

Saleem Samad is editor of DurDesh.net, a news portal for South Asian diaspora in North America. He is presently living in exile in Canada and could be reached at

More Britons travelling to Bangladesh to train in terror

RICHARD NORTON-TAYLOR

SIGNIFICANT numbers of Britons are travelling to Bangladesh to train in terrorist techniques amid rising concern among security and intelligence officials about the increasing appeal of al-Qaeda’s message throughout the Middle East and south-east Asia. Their concern is compounded by a realisation among al-Qaeda leaders of the value of individuals who can enter western countries easily. All eight people arrested in Britain over the failed bomb attacks in London were doctors or medical students and all entered the country legally.

The arrest in Australia of an Indian-born doctor related to two brothers arrested in Britain show how far links between potentially dangerous individuals are spreading, Whitehall officials say. British counter-terrorist officials recently visited Bangladesh to brief their counterparts there, the Guardian has been told. Officials say the number of Britons of Bangladeshi descent apparently prepared to consider carrying out terrorist acts marks a new and worrying development.

It coincides with the increasing number of young Britons travelling to Pakistan via South Africa in an effort to avoid being noticed by British security officials. Recent terrorist trials have shown how the Britain-Pakistan link has been crucial, with many convicted terrorists having trained in camps in Pakistan. The advantage, say intelligence analysts, is that British citizens do not require visas to enter South Africa. Furthermore, the country is regarded as a good market for identity and travel documents. South Africa’s intelligence chiefs have played down the country's role as a potential transit route for British-born al-Qaeda sympathisers travelling to Pakistan.

However, Kurt Shillinger, of South Africa's Institute of International Affairs, warned that the country's passport is "one of the world's most abused, available on the streets for as little as £10". In an article titled South Africa: Transit Point for International Jihadists for Britain's Royal United Services Institute Mr Shillinger warns that intelligence officials privately admit they cannot monitor accurately a swelling immigrant community and the smuggling of people to Pakistan.

In north Africa Ayman al-Zawahari, Osama bin Laden's deputy, has announced the setting up of al-Qaeda of the Islamic Maghreb with the idea of embracing other extreme groups, including Algeria's Salafist movement. In an internet video this week al-Zawahari urged fighters to "hurry to Afghanistan, hurry to Iraq, hurry to Somalia, hurry to Palestine".

However, Pakistan remains the country posing the greatest threat to Britain's security, Whitehall officials say. One of the problems is the sheer number of Britons of Pakistani descent who visit the country every year - more than 30,000 between the ages of 18 to 35, the group most likely to be influenced by al-Qaeda ideology, according to intelligence officials. Another problem is the pressure on the Inter Services Institute, whose priority is to keep the country together and President Musharraf alive rather than monitor British-born Pakistanis. #

This article was published in The Guardian, Monday July 9, 2007
http://www.guardian.co.uk/terrorism/story/0,,2121810,00.html

Bangladesh Interim Authority Pushing the Political Parties for Internal Reforms

Dr. ANAND KUMAR

THE interim authority of Bangladesh has created “crisis situation” for established political leaders of the country by its insistence on internal political reforms of the political parties. The political culture of Bangladesh which was primarily based on personal rivalry between Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia appears has to change in the near future.

The demand for internal reforms by the interim authority has given an opportunity to the dissidents of the mainstream parties to seek reforms within. This in effect would mean curtailment of dictatorial powers of both the mainstream party leaders.

On the other hand, the two leaders accused of dictatorial rule have begun to thwart any effort towards reform by creating divisions in segments demanding reforms. Interestingly, some of the corrupt leaders have also used this reform wave to wash away their sins by joining groups that are in favour of reforms or by attempting to create new political party.

After taking over charge from the earlier caretaker government on January 11, 2007 the interim authority headed by Fakruddin Ahmed launched a nationwide crackdown on corruption in which more than 170 political figures from both the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party have been detained. These charges of corruption and abuse of power have put lot of pressure on both the major political parties of Bangladesh to go for internal reforms aimed at curbing the powers of the party chiefs.

In the past, both Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia have been known for wielding absolute power in their parties. But at present, these leaders are busy in clearing their names from several charges they are facing. Hasina faces charges of extortion, which are being investigated by police. She is accused of graft and abetting murders related to political violence. The problem for Sheikh Hasina increased further when a former Bangladesh health minister, Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim arrested as part of the government's graft crackdown confessed on June 21, 2007 that he had shared extorted money with her. Selim told a Dhaka court in a statement that he gave a portion of $430,000 from a power company to Sheikh Hasina during her 1996-2001 rule. Selim and Sheikh Hasina, who are cousins, are both accused in the case. Selim's lawyers however have said that they considered his court statement unlawful as he was given insufficient time to think it over.

Hasina denies all the charges and says they have been framed by critics and opponents. However, on the basis of these charges Hasina was stopped from flying to the US after a court ordered immigration officials and police not to allow her to leave, saying her presence in the country was needed for the investigation of extortion charges.

Hasina's rival and the most recent Prime Minister, Begum Khaleda Zia, also face allegations of corruption and misuse of power, especially in promoting her kin. Though she denies these charges, her elder son and political heir apparent, Tarique Rahman, is among more than 170 key political figures detained by security forces in the corruption hunt. Her younger son Arafat Rahman is also facing charges of extortion.

Reform Proposals within Awami League
Reformists in the Awami League have proposed that party decisions including financial matters should be discussed and passed with the consent of the majority. Speaking to media a senior Awami League leader said, "The party should also be transparent in financial matters. Collection of funds through donations and expenses should be audited, regularly."

Reform proposals have also been prepared by the influential Awami League party leaders including presidium members Abdur Razzak, Tofail Ahmed and Suranjit Sengupta. But Sheikh Hasina who had received these proposals informally has suggested that she wants further amendments in them.

Speaking to media she said, "Not only the party president's post, but no other party position should also be held by the same person more than twice. Not only the party chief should be barred from becoming the prime minister, but all central committee office bearers should be prohibited from becoming ministers or state ministers."

Hasina, who will be 60 this September, has also given another proposal according to which no leaders above 60 will be allowed to remain a member of the AL Presidium and Central Working Committee. She has suggested that all leaders above the age of 60 will be accommodated in the advisory council of the party. If Hasina's latest proposal is implemented, only two AL presidium members--Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim and Kazi Zafarullah--can continue in their posts.

But a section of reformist leaders believe that Hasina would never stick to what she is saying now on reforms. An unnamed Awami League leader reportedly said, "Being irritated by the move for party reforms in the present situation, she might have spoken all this."

Reform Proposal within BNP
Demand for internal reforms is also getting stronger in BNP. Many BNP insiders including former ministers and lawmakers want Khaleda to reform her party that will ironically drastically curb her power in taking decisions. Leaders favouring reform in BNP are headed by Party Secretary General Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan. Khaleda on her part has now stated that she would welcome any suggestions from her party leaders and workers across the country to reform the party. About the call for her to leave the top post of the party, she said, "I was elected the chairperson by the council. Anyone can contest for the post and even become the chairperson of the party if the council elects (him/her)." She also denies having made any decision unilaterally and said she used to consult the senior cabinet members and the standing committee leaders on how to run the country as well as the party.

Pro-reforms leaders of BNP on the other hand want BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia to step down from the party-chief’s position. Simultaneously, they are also trying to lobby the councillors, the leaders who can bring changes in the party constitution. These pro-reform leaders are reportedly regularly holding meetings with BNP Secretary General Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan at his Gulshan residence to discuss reforms in the party.

Attempt to Create a New Political Party
Meanwhile, despite a ban on all sorts of politics, the process for floating a new political party is going on in full swing. The main initiative in this has been taken by former BNP leader Ferdous Ahmed Qureshi, who had been inactive in politics for a long time. The initiative got a new dimension recently as Jatiya Party (JP) leader Rawshan Ershad along with a group of JP leaders got involved with the process. A few mid- and junior-level political leaders like Sayeed Khokon of Awami League (AL) and former lawmaker Nurul Islam Moni of BNP have also joined the move.

People attempting to create this new party are regularly holding meetings at different places in Dhaka and are pursuing some important political leaders to join them. But so far they have not been very successful in their efforts. Most of these leaders have no strong position in their constituencies and some of them are even facing corruption charges. Many served military dictator HM Ershad as ministers. The organisers are also trying to communicate with the district level leaders of different political parties as well as members of the civil society. To make the initiative a success they are trying to involve Dr Kamal Hossain in the process. They are also working to formulate a constitution for the new party. They have claimed that they are looking for honest leaders and that the new party will follow a policy which is not rightist or leftist.

Legal Steps to Stop Nomination Business
As part of the ongoing reform initiatives, the Election Commission in Bangladesh has already made a set of proposals for electoral reforms. As per these proposals, a political party must be registered with the EC to contest the parliamentary election and no registered political party shall form any front organisation with the students or teachers of educational institutions and no political party shall have any branch abroad. The EC also made proposals to ensure financial transparency of the political parties.

In addition to this, the caretaker government of Bangladesh has now taken some fresh steps to create a legal infrastructure so that political parties are forced to go for certain reforms. The Election Commission (EC) has drafted a new proposal to curtail the absolute power of political parties' parliamentary boards to nominate party candidates for parliamentary election in a bid to stop reported unbridled nomination of business persons.

According to the proposal, members of the local unit of a registered political party will primarily elect through secret ballots two or more tentative candidates for each parliamentary area and the party's central parliamentary board will choose from the list a candidate for the constituency. At present, the political parties' parliamentary boards composed of party chiefs and some other top leaders enjoy absolute power to choose the candidates to contest in the parliamentary election and grass- roots level leaders have little to say in the process.

Using this power, the major political parties, especially the BNP and Awami League reportedly made huge amounts of money by selling party nominations to businessmen and black money holders during the previous parliamentary elections, while the dedicated leaders were ignored in many cases.

The new proposal as well as the proposed conditions for a political party to get registration with the EC will be finalised on consultation with the major political parties after the ban on indoor politics is lifted. Once the proposal is made a rule, the political parties will have to include the provision in their constitutions and follow it to nominate candidates for the parliamentary elections. If the proposal is implemented, the parliamentary boards will no longer have the absolute power to choose candidates.

US Critical of Current Political Trends in Bangladesh
The US has decried current political trends in Bangladesh and has expressed itself clearly against military involvement in politics. In a media interview, outgoing US Ambassador Patricia A. Butenis also called for lifting the ban on political activity and for early elections - as of now likely only in 2008-end - saying the US-Bangladesh relationship was 'based on democracy'.

She urged the government to be transparent and explain why restrictions have been placed on two former prime ministers, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina. Butenis has stated that Washington did not want to see any sort of military involvement in Bangladesh politics, 'as it will be a mistake'. However, she is not against any army personnel taking up politics after retirement. Butenis supported the reforms in political parties through discussions among themselves but said any attempt or plan to impose changes on parties was going to have troubles. She avoided a direct comment on 'minus-two' formula of reform by excluding the two former prime ministers Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina but agreed that parties have to bring changes. Perhaps part of that change may be their senior leaders. But they can't do that without being able to discuss it,' she observed.

Conclusion
The caretaker government of Bangladesh with strong backing of military is using several strategies to put pressure on both the leading political personalities to go for reform. These leaders have already been placed on the defensive by pressing several corruption charges either against them or their close family members. The interim authority is also encouraging dissidents in these parties to ask for reforms. It is trying to create a legal structure whereby it would be difficult for certain political leaders to impose their choice on local leaders. Initially, the attempt was made to use minus-two formula, whereby the two leading political leaders of Bangladesh were to be forced out of the country. But that strategy failed, as it immediately gave rise to domestic and international protests and presented the two ladies who have been ruling Bangladesh autocratically by turn as victims. The interim government at present is trying to use other methods to achieve the same objective. However, unless a new crop of leadership emerges which is strong enough to sideline these political dynasties, it will be difficult for Bangladesh to keep these reforms intact for long time. The old leaders are smart enough to regain the lost ground and the dissidents will be thrown out mercilessly once the threat posed by military reduces. #

This article was first published by South Asia Analysis Group (SAAG), http://www.saag.org/

Dr Anand Kumar can be reached at e-mail anandkrai@yahoo.co.in

Is nemesis catching up with Mohiuddin?

B. RAMAN

A Lancer in the Bangladesh Army, Major AQM Mohiuddin Ahmed, had played a lead role in carrying out the military putsch and killing of the country’s founding father and President, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, in the small hours of 15 August, 1975.

A host of other innocent men, women and children in Dhaka were also killed in the same catastrophic event. In the resultant regime change, Khandokar Mushtaque Ahmed, the traitorous minister in the Mujib cabinet, was anointed as the successor of the assassinated President.

Three months through Khandokar Mushtaque’s regime, as a counter-coup by Brigadier Khaled Musharraf was underway on 3 November, conspirators responsible for the 15 August massacre raided the Dhaka Central Jail and butchered four top national leaders, namely, Tajuddin Ahmed, Nazrul Islam, Captain Mansur Ali and Kamaruz Zaman who had been detained there as political prisoners.

As the political instability triggered by the second coup and the jail killings deepened, in a bizarre act the Mushtaque government by an ordinance indemnified the killer military officers from trial and punishment for their crimes and sent them, including Major Mohiuddin, to exile in Bangkok. They were later dispersed to different foreign countries either in exile or on diplomatic assignments. Later, military ruler General Ziaur Rehman, through an amendment of the constitution, validated the indemnity law. Mohiuddin and a few other killer majors were absorbed in the Bangladesh Foreign Service.

During the 16 years of military rule under Zia and Ershad as well as during the five-year BNP rule under Begum Khaleda Zia the killer majors were not touched. Those on diplomatic assignments continued to enjoy life abroad, while Colonels Farooq and Abdur Rashid, the two masterminds of the 15 August insurrection, after spending about a decade in Libya in manpower supply business, returned home and with the active support of Ershad floated the Freedom Party and a daily called Millat. This party and its mouthpiece campaigned against the Awami League and India to Ershad’s political advantage.

With the Awami League coming to power in the June 1996 election, Sheikh Hasina scrapped the indemnity law and put the perpetrators of the bloody coup of 15 August on trial. While those available in the country were arrested and put in jail custody pending completion of their trial, others were tried in absentia. Seventeen of the accused convicted by the court, including Mohiuddin, were sentenced to death, but owing to flimsy legal technicalities, the convicts’ appeal to the High Court has not been heard yet. The present interim government too has not taken any initiative to have the appeals disposed of.

Sensing trouble ahead, in 1996 AQM Mohiuddin Ahmed ran away to the US on a tourist visa with his family and sought political asylum in that country. While the US administration rejected his prayer, he managed to remain in that country, fighting his case from court to court during the next eleven years. At the political level, he succeeded in mobilising some support, including from Congressman Dana Rohrabracher. In a last-ditch effort to save him, Rohrabracher pleaded that as he was likely to be executed on his return to Bangladesh, he should be sent to Canada or some other destination where he could live safely, but to no avail. The US authorities finally handed him over to the Bangladesh police on 17 June, 2007.

In the US, Mohiuddin had pleaded that he was a staunch humanist, totally committed to the rule of law and in no way involved in the killings in Dhaka on 15 August, 1975. At the time of the military coup, he claimed, he was engaged in managing a road block away from the theatre of violence and carnage, but during the court trial eye-witnesses provided clinching evidence that he had participated in the coup and the killing spree. In his meticulously researched book Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood, Anthony Mascarenhas has given a vivid account of Mohiuddin’s role in the killing of Sheikh Mujib and his family members, based on the disclosures made by the coup masterminds Farooq and Rashid in TV interviews in London. As planned by the duo, ex-Major Noor and Major Mohiuddin with one company of Lancers were assigned the task of killing Sheikh Mujib. Farooq’s trusted NCO, Risaldar Muslehuddin, was to lead the assault on Sheikh Fazlul Haq Moni, nephew and powerful chief of the Awami Youth League.

The instruction for the rebel army officers was that they should kill Sheikh Mujib, Moni and Abdur Rob Sherniabat, Mujib’s brother-in-law and cabinet minister; Mujib’s sons, Kamal and Jamal, were to be taken prisoner. No one else was to be harmed, but the rebel soldiers carried out a big massacre, killing innocent men, women and children.

The commotion caused by the attack on Mujib’s house at 32 Dhanmondi Road woke up his security guards who opened fire on the assailants, but soon one of them was killed and another seriously injured. Mujib’s two newly married sons, Kamal and Jamal, opened fire on the lancers, but were quickly killed. Failing to contact any senior officers of the Rakhi Bahini, the force specially raised for his protection, Mujib telephoned the Chief of Army Staff, General Shafiullah, his Military Secretary, Brigadier Masharul Haq, and Col. Jamil, Director of Military Intelligence, for help. Jamil rushed to the President’s residence, only to be gunned down as soon as he arrived.

Mohiuddin, Major Huda and Noor searched room after room for Mujib. Mohiuddin unexpectedly found Mujib standing on the first floor near the staircase. Face to face with the country’s President, he was thoroughly demoralised and could only stammer “Sir, apni ashun” (Sir, please come).

To kill time, Mujib began haranguing him about their mission, hoping help would arrive from some quarter. Noor, who stopped on the landing gun in hand, sensed Mujib was stalling and fired a burst, riddling the right side of his chest with bullets. Thus ended at 5.40 am on 15 August, 1975 Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s “tempestuous love affair with the Bengalis”.

The rebels killed Begum Mujib, her two young daughters-in-law and his 10-year-old son Russel. Mujib’s younger brother Abu Nasser was also killed. Muslehuddin killed Moni and his pregnant wife. Sherniabat was killed in his house with his two teenaged daughters, a minor son and five-year-old grandson, son of Abul Hasnat Abdullah who managed to flee. Begun Sherniabat was grievously wounded.

In July 1986, shortly after I had joined the Indian embassy in Bangkok, on transfer from our High Commission in Dhaka, I met Mohiuddin at a dinner at the residence of a colleague. Finding a Mujib killer, I couldn’t check the temptation of steering the conversation to the fateful events of 15 August, 1975.

At one point, I asked him why, despite clear orders from the coup leaders that none other than Mujib, Moni and Sherniabat should be killed, his group and other rebels massacred so many innocent people. The man’s facile reply was: “In a war situation such things are unavoidable.”
Aghast at the answer, I retorted: “If attacking and killing unarmed innocent people without any provocation is a war situation, God save Bangladesh.” I added: “You are enjoying indemnity granted by your co-conspirators, but one day, here on this bank and shoal of time, you shall pay for your heinous crime; don’t make any mistake about it”.

I wonder if in his solitary condemned prisoner’s cell in Dhaka jail Mohiuddin ever recalls my encounter with him, one evening in Bangkok twenty-one years back.

Moinul Hussein, the law and information adviser of the incumbent army-backed interim government, has said in a TV interview that Mohiuddin has the right to appeal to higher courts against his punishment. But, under the Bangladesh law, the right to appeal does not extend beyond one month from the date of awarding punishment. In strictly legal terms, Mohiuddin can only pray to the country’s President for sparing his life, but in Bangladesh today, fair is foul and foul is fair and any thing can happen.

In 1975, civilian conspirators against Mujib like Khandokar Mushtaque Ahmed and Taheruddin Thakur, cabinet minister and minister of state, respectively, in the then Mujib cabinet, were seen frequently engaged in conclaves with a barrister at the office of a newspaper owned by his family. During my posting in Dhaka, I chanced upon some secret official papers that alluded to involvement of the said barrister in the anti-Mujib military coup conspiracy.

To know the barrister’s identity, one has to quiz Moinul Hussein. #

B. Raman is former Additional Secretary, Research and Analysis Wing, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail: itschen36@gmail.com

The Kaleidoscope of Bangladesh Politics: The Early Years

JAMAL HASAN

THE Awami League conjured up visions of the "come back" kid when Sheikh Hasina managed to win the support of a majority of the elected members of the Parliament to form the government. The "New Awami League" bore a more centrist look in its second innings in power. But now the BNP led mass movement seems to be gradually eroding the base of the party. And this might be a good occasion to share some events that took place in the early days of post-liberation Bangladesh.

Awami League and its leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman enjoyed wholehearted support of the people during the years that culminated in our liberation. The Bangladesh liberation struggle inevitably led to political alliances to meet the needs of the movement. Thus, during the Ashohojog Andolon (civil disobedience movement) of March 1971 pro- Moscow National Awami Party (Muzaffar) and the Communist Party of Bangladesh opted to side with the nationalistic movement led by the Awami League. That political alignment continued during the struggle through much of 1971 and even after the liberation.

Awami League's student wing, Bangladesh Student League also had historically been a right of center nationalistic student front with very few ties with left leaning political parties. But during the famous 11-point movement of 1969 (11-point demand [Egaro Dofa Andolon], which brought down the dictator Ayub Khan) the student fronts of all the left parties and the Student League entered into a political alliance that had tremendous significance. Mahbub Ullah of the Pro-Peking Student Union (in other words Menon Group], Shamsuddoha of the Pro-Moscow Student Union [popularly known as Motia Group] and Tofayel Ahmed of Student League were the comrades in arms in that historical student uprising.

The 1971 War of Liberation found very little support from the pro-Chinese elements. But the pro-Soviet political parties had no difficulty in playing an active role in the freedom movement. Unlike the pro-Chinese elements, they faced no ideological inhibitions in supporting a movement that received support from the Indian and Soviet allies in the face of opposition from the (Rawal)Pindi- Peking-Washington axis.

Bangabandhu had never been known to be a socialist or even a leader with leftist leanings. He was essentially a nationalistic leader, completely at home with electioneering politics, and very sympathetic toward free enterprise. But the circumstances under which he came to power would soon lead him to join the ranks of leaders like Dr. Mohammad Mosaddeq of Iran, Patrice Lumumba of the Congo, Dr. Cheddi Jagan of Guyana, Michael Manley of Jamaica or Salvador Allende of Chile. It would set him in an adversarial role vis-à-vis America. Bangabandhu's change of stance was certainly unsettling for the conservative old guard among the Awami Leaguers.

From the mid fifties through the early seventies it wasn't unusual for nationalistic leaders of newly independent countries to pay, at least, lip service to socialistic ideals. They would vow to reduce dependence on western capital for the task of building the economic infrastructure. They would often seek ties with communist bloc nations to meet their security needs. Needless to say, the free world wasn't particularly happy with the protectionist economic policies and the socialist image that these breed of leaders represented.

The Awami League based its ideology on the principles of nationalism, secularism and democracy. Later on, socialism was added to the above three to reflect the geopolitical alignments through much of 1971. The Awami League theoreticians christened the party ideology as Mujibism which apparently was not in conflict with that of the Soviet leaning leftist parties.

"Socialism" became the shibboleth for the new order in power. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman became the prototype for the ideal third world leader among Soviet political strategists.

The World Peace Council (a Soviet affiliated peace organization) found in Bangabandhu "a new star in the anti-imperialist struggle". The organization's general secretary, Ramesh Chandra, came to Dacca to personally decorate the Bangladesh leader with the Peace Council's prestigious Joliot Curie award. Bangabandhu became a leading light of the anti-western Non Aligned Movement. The Libyan leader Muammar Kaddafi could scarcely hide his elation when he heard the Bengali leader's speech at the NAM summit in Algiers. In that landmark speech, Bangabandhu defined the world as one divided between the exploiters and the exploited - an idea that was fully in keeping with the Soviet world view.

It is not unusual for nations to initiate radical changes in the aftermath of bloody anti-colonial struggles. The architects of the state of Israel, for example, experimented with socio-political measures that were revolutionary, to say the least. The Kibbutz movement in Israel continues to command reverence among the citizens even though it is now a pale shadow of its past.

Immediately after liberation of Bangladesh, the young generation was ready for immense sacrifices. There was a proposal to form a national unity government, which would comprise all the pro-liberation forces. It would have included even Maulana Bhashani. But there was a strong resistance to the idea within the Awami League. When Bangabandhu came back to independent Bangladesh from his prison cell in Pakistan, he had no clue to the changes of the past year in the political landscape of Bangladesh. Awami Leaguers opposed to the idea of a National government prevailed upon him to scotch the move.

As a typical middle class, petty bourgeois centric party, Awami League failed to rise above the class interests of its leading constituents. Inevitably, corruption, nepotism and gross misuse of power quite soon overwhelmed the new administration. It didn't take long for the people to get disillusioned. The general mass as well as the intelligentsia started longing for alternatives as the Awami League grew unpopular day by day. Most of the cabinet positions of the Dacca University Central Students Union (DUCSU) had been won by the pro- Moscow Bangladesh Student Union in the immediate aftermath of our liberation. The cadres of this organization seemed honest and selfless. But the common man's expectation was shattered as the DUCSU leadership gradually took on the role of the B-team of Student League which was an organ of the Awami League.

It was January 1, 1973. The Vietnam war was in its final stages. The pro-Moscow Bangladesh Student Union decided to demonstrate in front of the United States Information Service building in Topkhana Road. The students suddenly turned edgy during the demonstration. The police opened fire. Two activists, Matiul and Kader, died on the spot. That brought the first major rift between Bangabandhu and his pro-Moscow allies.

The agitated Student Union members sought support for their cause. It was provided by the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal and its student body, Bangladesh Student League [JSD; also known as Rob Group], which had been advocating the line of "Scientific Socialism." There was a successful Hartal (shut down), presumably the first time in Bangabandhu era. That Hartal unmistakenly showed that the days of unchallenged power were over for Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

In the second and third week of January of 1973 the Dacca city was the scene of numerous anti-government demonstrations. The USIS building was forced to remain closed for a while. The "ultra revolutionaries" of the Bangladesh Student League (JSD) hoisted Vietcong flags on top of the USIS building. The successful Hartal failed to calm down the aggrieved students. The DUCSU leadership of the Bangladesh Student Union, in a public meeting, tore apart the papers that documented Bangabandhu's life-membership of DUCSU. That infuriated leaders of the ruling Awami League and the other Student League. They were extremely upset with these leftists who had been their political allies till then.

The country was headed toward a strife. The Student League (pro Awami League) called a meeting at the Paltan Maidan (public square). Many a right leaning leader voiced his outrage openly and publicly. The Student Union leaders were disparaged as undisciplined and cowards. Not even the leaders of NAP and of the pro-Moscow Communist Party were spared.

The Paltan Maidan had been filled with muscle-men from all parts of the city. As the meeting was going on, the Student Union leaders brought out a torch light procession in the Baitul Mukarram area, which is in the near vicinity of the Maidan. The stage was set for an explosion. The huge crowd in the Paltan Maidan soon took on the student demonstrators. Within an hour, the office of Muzaffar NAP was ransacked and the Student Union office was set ablaze. The torch lights came in handy indeed.

The Kremlin policy makers probably realized that the situation was spinning out of control. The Communist Party of Bangladesh directed the "student revolutionaries" to pull back from the confrontation. They were ordered to go to Bangabandhu, and ask for his forgiveness. Bangabandhu's life-membership to DUCSU was reinstated. The Soviet Ambassador Valentin Popov was replaced soon after by Andrei Fomin, a veteran Soviet Foreign Ministry official.

The year 1973 was a momentous one in the western hemisphere. The Chilean leader Salvador Allende was ousted in a bloody pro-western coup in September. President Allende was finding it difficult to push through his agenda in the face of a Congress that was firmly under opposition control. Nevertheless, multinational corporations like ITT were pushing for his ouster. It wasn't long before Allende had to pay the price for offending the neighbourhood superpower. He was ousted by an US inspired coup by army chief Augusto Pinochet.

Bangabandhu, with the support and advice of some of his close political aides, soon embarked on an unchartered course. The Awami League was disbanded all of a sudden, in 1975. And so were all other political parties. Their place was taken by a new party, named Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BKSAL). The press was forced to curb its freedom. BKSAL was the only party that the people were allowed to join. Bangladesh was now a one-party state. Leaders of pro- Moscow groups were accommodated in the BKSAL high command and in its newly formed student and labour fronts. The armed services gained access to the political arena as would-be generals like Ziaur Rahman became part and parcel of BKSAL.

The transformation of Awami League into BKSAL can be a productive topic for future researchers. It may have been accepted by the people in the immediate aftermath of liberation as a prelude to setting up a national government. But Bangladesh was a very different country in 1975 than it was in 1972. The corrosion of the spirit of liberation and patriotism and the rampant corruption of a large segment of Awami League members created a situation in which such a revolutionary undertaking under Awami League supervision was no longer viable. It seemed BKSAL came too late in the game to play a healing and constructive role the nation. In fact, it merely aggravated the grievances of the people.

The pro-western coup in August of 1975 was a familiar tale. It was a victory for supporters of one superpower over those of the other. The demise of BKSAL and the beginning of an era of right wing military regimes marked the eclipse of forces that had made possible the liberation of Bangladesh in December of 1971. That will be the subject for a future article. #

This essay was first published in the Editorial and Commentary section of NEWS FROM BANGLADESH on March 15, 1999

Jamal Hasan is a Washington DC based freelance writer. He can be reached at poplu@hotmail.com