urge parliamentary scrutiny of the state within a state of the Khakis, especially the dreaded spy agency (DGFI). The interference of the Khakis into state politics will once again jeopardize institutionalization of elective democracy, good governance and secularism. The rogues fear social justice activists, critics, politicians and journalists too - Joy Manush!
JSD was not ready for Nov 7 Sepoy Mutiny SALEEM SAMAD
The Biplobi Sainik Sangstha (Revolutionary Sepoy’s Organisation) was never heard of in early 1970s. The clandestine organisation’s hard-core members were mostly Junior and Non-Commissioned Officers of Bangladesh Army. The recruits of the secret group were loyal to dismissed Maj Mohammad Abdul Jalil, Commander of Sector 9 of Mukti Bahini.
The secret group began its journey on January 1, 1973 at the staff quarters of Havildar Bari of Armoured Corps. The members were drawn from serving Junior and Non-Commissioned Officers. On the founding day of the ‘Bangladesh Revolutionary and Suicide Commando Force’ they took solemn oath by touching the Holy Qur’an.
The underground Biplobi Sainik Sangstha’s members held secret meetings at Ahsanullah Hall of Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET). The political wisdom, mission and visions of the revolution were tutored by Sirajul Alam Khan, political theorist and founder of the Jatiya Samjtantrik Dal (JSD) and Dr Akhlaqur Rahman, an economist.
Days after Maj Jalil was imprisoned on March 17, 1974, he send secret message to the underground organisation’s leader Corporal Altaf Hossain to contact Col Abu Taher (Bir Uttam) and seek directives from the former commander of Sector 11.
Corporal Hossain was the key person to organise the soldiers in various cantonments and motivate them to join the revolution.
On June 20, 1974, a secret meeting presided by Col Taher was organised at Sergeant Abu Yusuf Khan’s residence at Elephant Road. The retired Sector Commander told the dedicated group that his friend Maj Gen Ziaur Rahman, who was Deputy Chief of Army Staff has expressed solidarity with the group and will support their revolution.
The statement has raised the morale of the junior officers. Since then the activities of the Revolutionary Commando Force were held openly.
On the other side, most soldiers of Sector 11 and loyal to Taher joined ‘Biplobi Sainik Sangstha’ also many soldiers in Comilla Cantonment where he (Taher) once served as Commanding Officer also joined the group. He advocated for ‘People’s Army’ and through ‘class struggle’ drew political support of the soldiers.
Soon the Revolutionary Commando Force and other smaller groups among the soldiers merged into Biplobi Sainik Sangstha, after the crisis created following the assassination of the Father of the Nation Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in a military putsch.
Taher knew his limitation and was not a protagonist of the revolution. He decided to use Zia’s image among the soldiers to expedite the revolution. In a bid to garner more support of the soldiers he included in the Sainik Sangstha a 12-point demands for the realisation of 18 months of unpaid wages of repatriated soldiers from Pakistan. This was debated by former Mukti Bahini soldiers and was not discussed at the high command of the JSD.
Taher also formed strategic alliance with the pro-Peking (now Beijing) left groups and parties who participated in the Liberation War to form liberated areas in rural regions, so that the radical groups can create pressure on the capital Dhaka.
JSD radical political philosophy was similar to the Sainik Sangstha revolution to overthrow the autocratic regime to establish a pro-people, farmers, soldiers, workers and students national government.
On November 6, JSD party forum held an emergency standing committee meeting at a residence in Kalabagan. The meeting was attended by Sirajul Alam Khan, Aklaqur Rahman, Monirul Islam, Hasanul Haque Inu and Khair Ejaz Masud and others, writes Mohiuddin Ahmed in his recent book “Jashoder Utthan Poton: Osthir Somoyer Rajniti, Protoma Prokashon.
The agenda for discussion was to organise an indefinite shut down (hartal). A show down of strength was planned at Paltan Maidan on November 9. JSD leaders expected that thousands of industrial workers from Adamjee, Tejgaon and Tongi would participate and block the capital Dhaka for days, until the government collapse and form a national government with all parties, minus the BAKSAL leadership. Unfortunately the plan was abandoned, due to abrupt Sepoy Mutiny.
While the meeting was in progress, Taher walked in and sat to listen to the discussion. Surprisingly the Sepoy Mutiny was not in the agenda. Possibly the key leaders had no knowledge that a mutiny was brewing.
After a while, a young military officer in civilian dress barged into the meeting room, without causing any alarm among the key leaders sitting there. He whispered in the ears of Taher and handed over to him two small pieces of papers.
Once the officer departed, Taher drew the attention of the meeting and read out one message which came from Gen Zia. Which reads: “I am interned, I can’t take the lead. My men are there. If you take the lead, my men will join you.”
Those present at the meeting have never met Zia and does not know him. The first reaction came from Akhlaqur Rahman, who refused to accept Gen Zia as their leader. All the leaders had one question, whether Zia should be trusted? Taher promptly responded and confidently said, “If you trust me, then you can also trust Zia. He will be under my feet.”
He also informed the meeting that he has instructed the Sainik Sangstha to begin the revolution. Immediately all the members in the room were baffled by the announcement. The meeting tried to influence Taher to withdraw the call for mutiny. He said it was impossible to reach the decision as the communication is a one-way traffic.
The second message was from the command centre of the soldiers planning the mutiny at midnight following November 6. It reads: “Khaled Mussaraf men are moving fast. The iron is too hot. It is time to hit.”
Taher took the floor and said like what happened in the Bolshevik Revolution – Tonight or never. Sirajul Alam Khan did not say yes or no to the plan. The leaders continued to pursue Taher and frustrated the meeting abruptly ended without any plan, Mohiuddin writes.
F Rahman Hall at Dhaka University was converted into a clandestine command centre for the November 7 Sepoy Mutiny led by Col Abu Taher, commander of Gono Bahni (People’s Army).
A nervous mutineer Subedar Mehboob rang the shot an hour early than determined at 1 O’clock. The single shot at midnight from a rifle, triggered the revolution of soldiers. Thousands of soldiers joined the mutiny broke the military armoury to loot weapons and boarded trucks and jeeps and took control of strategic points.
A contingent rushed to Gen Zia’s residence to free him from house-arrest in Dhaka Cantonment hours after Maj Khaled Musharraf's coup d'etat on November 3. Taher drove in a military jeep with few JSD leaders and met Zia. “You have saved the nation,” he admired Taher amidst cheering soldiers.
Zia asked Taher of the whereabouts of Sirajul Alam Khan. It was presumed that Zia wanted to meet the top leaders of JSD, which never happened.
Since the meeting held on the eve of November 7, Sirajul Alam Khan, Akhlaqur Rahman and many senior leaders opted to maintain low profile. Possibly they believed that the mutiny would fail, and it failed.
Mohiuddin in his book writes that despite request by Taher, Zia refused to go to the radio station on an excuse that his statement could be recorded and broadcast. At the radio station Shamsuddin Ahmed, a young Turk of the Gana Bahini read out a statement which announced the Sepoy Mutiny. Unfortunately, the announcer did not mention the name of Taher or other JSD leaders or even his name.
On November 23, 1975, Zia also ordered the arrest of JSD leaders. A large police contingent surrounded the house of Col Taher's brother Sergeant Abu Yusuf Khan and took him to the police control room.
When Col Taher heard about his brother’s arrest, he rang Gen Zia but was told that he was not available. Instead Maj Gen HM Ershad, the Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator, spoke with him. Ershad said it was a police matter and they knew nothing about it, writes Talukder Maniruzzaman in “Bangladesh in 1976: Struggle for Survival as an Independent State,” published in Asian Survey in February 1977.
The following day Taher was arrested 16 days after freeing Ziaur Rahman and was taken to Dhaka Central Jail. He was accused of 'instigating indiscipline' in the army and attempting to expand the original mutiny of November 7, 1975 towards a goal of "socialist revolution" and to kill some of the army officers.
Abu Taher's Last Testament: Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution by Lawrence Lifschultz published in Economic and Political Weekly, India in August 1977: “It became very clear to me that a new conspiracy had taken control of those we had brought to power on November 7 in 1975.”
“On November 24, 1975, I was surrounded by a large contingent of police. The police officer asked me to accompany him for discussion with Zia. I said I was surprised and I asked him why there was need of a police guard for me to go to Zia. Anyway they put me in a jeep and drove me straight to this jail. This is how I was put inside this jail by those traitors who I saved and brought to power.”
“In our history, there is only one example of such treachery. It was the treachery of Mir Zafar who betrayed the people of Bangladesh and the subcontinent and led us into slavery for a period of 200 years. Fortunately for us it is not 1757. It is 1976 and we have revolutionary soldiers and a revolutionary people who will destroy the conspiracy of traitors like Ziaur Rahman,” the statement concluded.
The Supreme Court has recently described the execution of Taher through an order of a military tribunal in 1976 as ‘outright murder’. It says the hanging of Taher was ‘illegal’ and a case of ‘cold blooded assassination’.
Saleem Samad, an Ashoka Fellow (USA) is an award winning investigative reporter based in Bangladesh. Email
After forty-three years,
justice finally caught up with Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) ameer (chief) Motiur
Rahman Nizami (71) as the International Crimes Tribunal-1 (ICT-1), one of the
two War Crimes Tribunals constituted by the Sheikh Hasina Wajed Government, sentenced
him to death on October 29, 2014, for atrocities during the Liberation War of
1971. Nizami was found guilty on eight of the 16 charges brought against him.
The four charges which brought him death included involvement in the killing of
intellectuals; the murder of 450 civilians; rape in Bausgari and Demra villages
in Pabna District; the killing of 52 people in Dhulaura village in Pabna
District; and killings of 10 people and rape of three women in Karamja village
in Pabna District. He was also sentenced to imprisonment for life on the
charges of involvement in the killing of Kasim Uddin and two others in Pabna
District; torture and murder of Sohrab Ali of Brishalikha village in Pabna
District; torture and killing at Mohammadpur Physical Training Centre in Dhaka
city; and killing of freedom fighters Rumi, Bodi, Jewel and Azad at Old MP
Hostel in Dhaka city.
Nizami, at that time,
was the President of the Islami Chhatra Sangha, the students’ wing of JeI, the
precursor of the present-day Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS), and was also
ex-officio chief of Al-Badr, a paramilitary wing of the Pakistan Army in 1971.
As a leader, he not only took part in crimes against humanity, the judgment
reads, but also delivered provocative speeches to incite thousands of his followers
to commit similar crimes during the Liberation War. However, instead of being
punished for the heinous crimes, President Ziaur Rahman permitted Nizami and
other leaders of the JeI to revive the party in 1978. The JeI subsequently
emerged as the largest Islamist party in the country and Nizami established
himself as a key leader, organizing the ICS. He became JeI ameer in November
2000, and also served as the Minister of Agriculture (from October 10, 2001, to
May 22, 2003) and Minister of Industries (from May 22, 2003 to October 28,
2006) in the Begum Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-led
Government between 2001 and 2006.
Nizami was first
arrested on June 29, 2010, in a lawsuit for hurting religious sentiments. After
three days, he was shown arrested for committing crimes against humanity during
the Liberation War. Subsequently, on May 28, 2012, he was indicted on 16 specific
charges for his involvement in War Crimes. It took around 29 months to go from
the indictment to the sentencing, as the verdict was deferred three times in
Earlier, on January 30,
2014, the Chittagong Metropolitan Special Tribunal-1 had awarded the death
penalty to Nizami in the sensational 10-truck arms haul case of 2004, the
country’s biggest ever weapons haul case. On February 7, 2014, the verdict on
the arms haul case was transferred to the Chittagong High Court for
confirmation of its sentences. Nizami filed an appeal with the Chittagong High
Court seeking acquittal from the charges and, on April 16, 2014, the Chittagong
High Court accepted the appeal. The case is still pending in the High Court.
Meanwhile, as in earlier
cases, soon after the verdict, cadres of JeI and its student wing ICS went on
rampage across the country. 30 persons, including 28 JeI-ICS cadres and two
Security Force (SF) personnel have been injured in violence across the country,
thus far. 71 JeI-ICS cadres were also arrested from various parts of the
country for bringing out processions. The JeI called for a countrywide hartal
(general strike) on October 30, November 2 and November 3
The verdict has
attracted some negative international attention. Calling for a commutation of
Nizami’s death sentence, the European Union (EU), in a statement on October 29,
2014, declared, “The case of Motiur Rahman Nizami has now reached a stage where
an execution of the death sentence constitutes a serious threat.” On October
29, the United States (US) reiterated its support to bringing to justice those
who committed atrocities during the Liberation War, but demanded that the
trials should be fair and transparent maintaining the international standards.
On the other hand,
minutes after the news of Nizami’s death penalty reached the Shahbagh
intersection in Dhaka city on October 29, Gonojagoron Mancha (People’s
Resurgence Platform) activists erupted into exhilarated cheers. Showing victory
signs, they demanded the immediate execution of the verdict, chanting slogans
like “we demand hanging”.
Meanwhile, on November
2, 2014, ICT-2 sentenced JeI central executive committee member Mir Quasem Ali
(62) to death after finding him guilty on two charges, one for abduction,
torture and killing of 15-year-old freedom fighter Jasim of Sandwip
Sub-District in Chittagong District; another for abducting, torturing and
killing Ranjit Das alias Lathu and Tuntu Sen alias Raju of Chittagong town in
Chittagong District. Quasem, considered one of the top financiers of JeI, faces
14 charges, including murder, abduction and torture committed in Chittagong
city between November and December 16, 1971. He was allegedly the chief of the
Chittagong Al-Badr and was indicted on September 5, 2013, after being arrested
on June 17, 2013.
Thus far, the two ICTs
conducting the War Crimes Trials, which began on March 25, 2010, have indicted
18 leaders, including 13 JeI leaders, three BNP leaders and two Jatiya Party
(JP) leaders. Verdicts against 12 of them (including Nizami and Quasem) have
already been delivered, in which nine persons have been awarded the death
sentence (including Nizami and Quasem), while three have been sentenced to life
imprisonment. Remarkably, in the first-ever execution in a War Crimes case, JeI
Assistant Secretary Abdul Quader Mollah (65), who earned the nickname Mirpurer
Koshai (Butcher of Mirpur), was hanged on December 12, 2013, at Dhaka Central
Jail, against his conviction on charges of atrocities committed during the
Liberation Wars of 1971. Of the six other convicts who were awarded death
sentences, three – Al-Badr leaders Mohammad Ashrafuzzaman Khan and Chowdhury
Mueenuddin, and JeI leader Maulana Abul Kalam Azad – were awarded sentences in
absentia. The verdicts against JeI leaders Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed and
Muhammad Kamaruzzaman, and BNP leader Salauddin Quader Chowdhury, are currently
pending with the Appellate Division.
JeI Chief Ghulam Azam (92), who led the JeI during the country’s Liberation War
in 1971, died at the Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Medical University (BSMMU) in
Dhaka city after suffering a stroke on October 23, 2014. Azam had served a year
and three months of his 90-year jail term for crimes against humanity. Protest
rallies by opponents of JeI were held during his funeral at Baitul Mokarram
National Mosque in Dhaka city, demanding that his body be sent to Pakistan for
burial there. Ziaul Hasan, chairman of Bangladesh Sommilito Islami Jote, an
alliance of progressive Islamic parties, observed, “The janaza (mourning
procession) of a war criminal can never be held at the national mosque.”
The verdict against the
JeI chief is a body blow to the organization. The Government is already
considering banning JeI, which was debarred on August 1, 2013, from contesting
elections. Awami League (AL) Joint Secretary Mahbub-ul-Alam Hanif on October
29, 2014, noted, “The verdict has once again proved that JeI was involved in
war crimes with a political decision.” With its very existence now under
threat, JeI attempts to retaliate violently are imminent, and likely to vitiate
the security environment of the country.
Compounding the problem
are the recent activities of other Islamist extremist and terrorist groups,
particularly the Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB). On September 22, 2014,
the Detectives Branch (DB) of the Police claimed that 25 top leaders of JMB and
seven other Islamist outfits, including Ansarullah Bangla Team (ABT), Jamaatul
Muslemin, Majlish-e-Tamuddin, Hizbul Zihad, Hizbut Tahrik, Jamaatil Muslemin
and Dawatul Jihad, discussed a regrouping plan at a meeting in a remote char
(riverine island) area at Sariakandi sub-District in Bogra District on May 5,
2014. More recently, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) arrested JMB’s chief
coordinator Abdun Noor and four of his close aides from the Sadar sub-District
Railway Station in Sirajganj District on October 31, 2014. 49 primary
detonators, 26 electronic detonators, four time bombs, 10 kilograms of power
gel, 155 different kinds of circuits, 55 jihadi books and a power regulator
were recovered from the JMB cadres. During preliminary interrogation, the JMB
operatives confessed that they were planning to carry out large-scale bomb attacks
across the country, particularly in Dhaka city.
National Investigation Agency (NIA), currently investigating the October 2,
2014, Burdwan (West Bengal, India) blast case, on October 28, 2014, uncovered a
suspected plot by JMB to assassinate Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed and
carry out a coup. The JMB had also planned to assassinate BNP Chairperson Begum
Khaleda Zia. Earlier, on October 27, 2014, Indian investigators had revealed
that the JMB module in Burdwan had managed to transport six consignments of
Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) to Bangladesh, to be used for terrorist
activities in the country.
The War Crimes Trials,
and the cumulative verdicts against leaders of extremist parties and groups
that have been at the core of destabilization in Bangladesh over the past
decades, have been crucial in turning the country around after years of
mounting chaos that had brought it to the very brink of failure. This process
needs to be sustained, indeed, accelerated, despite the backlash of extremist
entities, if the gains of the recent past are to be consolidated.
In Bangladesh, we sometimes play We Also Have. This is a parlor game in which we can say, with pride, that we now have the things that could previously be found only in other countries.
In the 1990s, it was satellite television (we also have MTV!); in the 2000s, it was shopping malls and high-rise buildings and multiplex cinemas. This year, it was a Hollywood-style bank heist.
In January, a man going by the name of Sohel and his accomplice Idris successfully stole 169 million taka (about $2.2 million) from a branch of Sonali Bank in Kishoreganj, 70 miles north of the capital, Dhaka.
Although “Sohel,” later identified as Yusuf Munshi, his brother Idris Munshi and a number of other accomplices were arrested within days of the robbery, it was all anyone could talk about for weeks afterward. We devoured the details of the heist: how Mr. Munshi had plotted for two years to rob the bank, how he had rented a house next door and dug a 30-foot tunnel to reach the bank’s vault.
It was even reported that he had had an affair with a bank employee as part of his scheme. Social media exploded with comparisons with Hollywood movies such as “The Bank Job.”
It appears Mr. Munshi has started a trend. In March, 3 million taka (about $40,000) was stolen from Sonali Bank’s Adamdighi branch in Bogra, when thieves used the same technique — digging a tunnel into the vault from a nearby furniture shop. And last month, criminals made away with almost 20 million taka ($260,000) from a Brac Bank branch in the small town of Joypurhat by boring a hole from a neighboring building. When renting the office next door, the robbers had claimed to be starting a nonprofit agency called Poor Development. Oh yes, in Bangladesh, we also have irony.
But while our attention is drawn to this proliferation of movie-style heists, the larger irony is that Mr. Munshi and his copycat criminals are not the real bank robbers. No, the bigger thieves are hiding in plain sight, and sanctioned by the banks themselves. They are the loan defaulters: people and businesses who borrow money from banks with no intention of repaying the debt.
The problem, it seems, is the way Bangladesh’s banking sector is organized. There are broadly two types of banks: private banks, which are overseen by the central bank, and state-run commercial banks, which fall directly under the aegis of the Finance Ministry. While private banks have had their share of loan defaulters (sometimes those who sit on the boards of these banks), it is overwhelmingly the state-run banks that have allowed bad loans to multiply to an unsustainable degree. The international standard for loan defaults is currently at about 2 to 3 percent. In Bangladesh, it is over 12 percent. In a recent study conducted by the Bangladesh Institute of Bank Management, the percentage of nonperforming loans in state-run banks is as high as 29 percent.
The situation is only getting worse. The World Bank’s 2013 Bangladesh Development Update states that “weak internal controls, poor corporate governance, and slackening of credit standards resulted in irregularities in loan approvals,” which caused state-run commercial banks to classify more than half a billion dollars’ worth of loans as “nonperforming.” In the past six years, the four major state-run banks have seen sharp spikes in defaulted loans; the total amount of credit in default held by these four banks is about $2.45 billion (not including nearly $2 billion already written off).
This means that an enormous amount of capital is taken out of the banking system, and banks must compensate for this loss by keeping interest rates high. Currently, Bangladeshi banks’ interest rates range between about 9 percent and 16 percent, while deposits earn between 6 percent and 12 percent.
There is much talk about the government’s attempting to crack down on defaults. The new chairman of Basic Bank, one of the worst culprits with outstanding loans of over $1.45 billion, has publicly named and shamed a list of the top 100 loan defaulters. The bank has attempted to recover some of the bad debt, but has thus far been largely unsuccessful. Ultimately, there appears to be little legal recourse because the justice system is overwhelmed: There are more than 800,000 cases against loan defaulters pending in the courts.
The only way to alter this broken system is for the state-run banks to come under the control of a single body that is entirely separate from the executive branch of government. Having a set of banks that are controlled by political appointees, which report directly to the Finance Ministry and run no risk of being audited by impartial agencies, will always result in a corrupt system.
When the rather terrifyingly named Rapid Action Battalion recovered the money that the Munshi brothers had stolen from Sonali Bank, about 20 million taka was missing. Yusuf Munshi claimed to have spent the money buying a truckload of rice for a local religious leader. That money was never found.
Since the Munshis’ heist, the Bangladesh Bank has suggested that banks beef up their security, and yes, it sounds as though their vaults could use some more cement. But while we can barricade bank branches themselves, we need to step up efforts to stop those who steal from within, the sharp-suited businessmen who raid our banks in broad daylight.
It will throttle media, damage democracy and ultimately damage Bangladesh growth potential
In any conflict between free media and
government, the latter wins in the short run while the former wins in the end.
But a lot of valuable nation building time is lost in the intermittent period.
Government wins initially because it has
all the fund and coercive machinery of state at its disposal to cajole, bribe,
intimidate, threat and intern people and force its way.
Freedom and free media win in the end
because people rally behind them-which is necessarily a time consuming process-
and take them to victory.
This lesson of history our government does
not seem to have learnt at their great cost and tragically ours too.
Free media has been one of the most
significant gains of independent Bangladesh. It flourished after the
restoration of democracy in December 1991. Today Bangladesh has a healthy media
environment which is free, responsible and competitive.
Why a new Broadcast Policy?
Of the total media scene, the recent growth
of Bangladesh’s broadcast media has been brilliant and stunning. Yes, it has
many more hurdles to cross but the progress the broadcast media has made in the
last two decades is nothing short of a miracle. Television has changed the way
public is habituated to get news. Their “Live” coverage is now widely
appreciated by the people and has added to the accountability process of the
government. I recall with pride how our TV journalists earned the appreciation
of the people of Bangladesh by giving round the clock coverage of all the
recent mega events including that of Rana Plaza tragedy that helped to create a
global support for our RMG sector. Broadcast media’s live and “from the spot”
coverage has brought in a new freshness to news that the public would never
have got otherwise.
There is a similar story of the FM radio.
On-line and digital media platforms’ story
is slightly mixed, and cannot be covered in the present paper.
All this was achieved without the recently
proposed “policy”. TV stations and FM radios were guided by the existing laws,
policies, especially the guidelines given during issuing the broadcasting
license. So if the existing rules and guidelines helped to create the TV and
radio “revolutions” then why go for any new policy, especially when it runs the
risk of thwarting the growth process. The only justification of a new policy
can be that it will help the “growth of broadcasting industry” even further.
The government says that it was initiated
at the request of the journalists’ community. This is a fact. But the demand
was for a policy to be formulated by an Independent Broadcast Commission in
consultation with all the stake holders especially media practitioners and owners.
It was never conceived to be formulated by the bureaucrats with cosmetic representation
from stake holders whose suggestions were ultimately largely ignored.
The Broadcast Policy
As the gazette notification shows there are
seven main sections (অধ্যায়) of the broadcast policy.
The section on “aims and purpose” (উদ্দেশ্যওলক্ষ্য)
incorporate some core values that we share. The first five items from 1.2.1
upto 1.2.5 we welcome and endorse. However we feel that it has been unduly
prolonged and there are many items that can either be deleted or merged with
The second sections deals with the
Licensing process which says a detailed guideline on the licensing process will
be worked by the Broadcast Commission as and when it is setup.
Sections three, four and five deal with
content of the media channels. These sections have nearly 70 items.
The policy goes into details of content
much of which can be subjected to multiple interpretations that can easily lead
to distorting a free flow of information. Take for example section 3.2.1 which
says “ anti-state and anti-public interest” news cannot be broadcast. We could
not agree more. But who will decide what constitutes “anti-state and anti-public
interest” news. In dictatorships, the government decides but democracy it is left
to the media under the overarching principles of the constitution of every
Take the next provision 3.2.2. which says
in “discussion programmes distorted or false information” should not be given.
This any Broadcasting station worth its names will do on their own, as they do
Item 3.2.3 …….. We already broadcast
speeches of the President and the Prime Minister. Why should there be the other
impositions like emergency weather, health bulletin, press note and other
“important national events that have public interest” Again anything of public
interest the broadcasters will use because they want to hold their audience. So
there is no need for such provisions.
3.5.1. says ……” voluntary work and
development activities will have to be broadcast”
Why? Each channel will chose content
according to its audience. Why should similar content be imposed on all
The policy goes into details of such items
as “Development work” “entertainment programmes” “sports and educational
One very dangerous aspect of the policy is
the restrictions it imposes on advertising contents. While there must be
guidelines on what can and what cannot be advertised, but the specific
guidelines given in the policy will heavily restrict the flow of advertisement,
affecting revenue of the broadcasters leading to weakening their financial
viability. At present no advertisement is carried by TV stations that can be
said to have necessitated such a policy.
Under section six deals with “other issues
dealing with Broadcasting. This section contains some dangerous elements that
can lead to restrictions on freedom of the media. Here are some examples along
with our comments.
Item 5.1.4 (Print Bangla version) Any
“military, non-military and government information” that can threaten the security
of the State cannot be broadcast.
We can understand “military” information
but why “non-military and government information” cannot be published.
Item 5.1.5 (print Bangla version) Anything demeaning to the armed forces, law
enforcement agencies and government officials who can punish people for
criminal offences can't be broadcast.
Imagine the absurdity of this policy. If it
was already in place then we could not have written about the ten trucks arms
haul where NSI and DGFI (according to confessions of accused) officials were
We also could not have written about the 21
August attempted assassination of the present PM in which three former IGPs, two
ex-NSI bosses and three former CID officials and high ranking officials of army
and navy against whom charges have been framed.
According to policy approved by the cabinet
we cannot write about death in police custody or torture, abuse of power by military,
RAB, DGFI, intelligence agencies and government officials who can
"punish". If this law is enforced then we can never write about cases
like the recent 7 murders in Narayanganj where RAB officials were involved, the
recent killing of a garment waste trader who was tortured to death by Mirpur
Thana SI. We cannot report incidences of cross-fire, torture in remand, etc.
Would Limon – the innocent school boy who
was bullet hit by RAB and who the latter tried for months to stigmatize as a
terrorist- have ever received justice if media did not expose the RAB?
"Mutiny" we understand and we may
discuss how to cover it.
But what is meant by "chaos" and
"violent incidents". According to this policy we cannot cover unrest
or show footage of violence. It appears that this policy expects the TV stations
to broadcast song and dance episodes while political activist uproot railway
lines, burn our factories. So the extensive footage showing the opposition
BNP-Jamaat throwing fire bombs into running buses during pre- 2014 election
violence was all“wrong” and the so-called “loggi- Baitha”
related violence of the AL during their movement in 2006 would not allowed in
In the context of our politics it is always
the opposition that organizes agitational programmes that often results into
violent clashes with the law enforcement agencies. To prevent its coverage will
mean basically no coverage of opposition because it will depict“chaos” and “violence”. Would coverage of the recent police action
against workers demanding area pay that resulted into police beating them be
permitted under the present policy?
5.1.7( use Bangla) Broadcasting anything
that may hamper friendly relations with foreign countries is to be BANNED.
If this law existed then we couldn't have
covered Myanmar’s sending warships to threaten our Navy that was protecting our
maritime boundary back in 2007/8. We couldn't have covered the
"Felany" incident or the regular incidents (now significantly
lessoned) of border killing by Indian BSF. Is writing about our due share of
Teesta Water and criticising India for responding to be permitted? Or it would
be banned in the name of jeopardizing our friendly relations.
By the same law we could not have covered
the news of killing, torture, rape, or illegal detention of our expatriate
workers in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Malaysia or any of the foreign countries where
they work in the name of “friendly relations”. So all our expatriate workers,
on whose remittance we flout the story of "huge reserve" are to be
left at the mercy of whims and good wishes of host governments and our most
timid and sometimes corrupt commercial attaches?
4.2.8 ( use Bangla) No scene can be shown
in advertisements that are not environmentally friendly.
What is wrong with advertisement showing
polluted rivers, uncollected garbage, or cutting of tree and urging people to desist
from such practices?
6. Misleading and untrue information must
be avoided. About “untrue” information, of course they should be avoided. If by
chance unverified information is broadcast then immediate corrective steps are
taken along with appropriate apology.
About "misleading" information
can we match what goes in the name of debate inside the parliament? More often
than not, it is the government and not the broadcasters that indulge in half
truths and sometimes outright lies.
The truth is the Broadcast Policy passed by
the cabinet has had two mindsets working behind it. One is that of bureaucracy
who never feel comfortable with the free media.
Now that they have become more partisan
than ever and see their future more in sycophancy and less in merit, they
prefer a gagged press that will be less prone to doing investigative
The other mindset is of a political party
that sees an “enemy” behind every critical voice. It feels vulnerable to a free
spirited media culture and is foolishly moving towards throttling it.
Attitude towards a free media as expressed
in the policy is counter to history and the unrelenting march forward of the
human spirit that only freedom can fulfill. This policy totally misjudges and
is completely under valuing the contribution that the free media have made in
Bangladesh's growth over the last three decades under democracy.
Here I would like to draw the government’s
attention to the writings of Amartya Sen who has brilliantly articulated how
freedom, especially that of the media, assist the process of development. His
classic work “Freedom and Development” should be an eye opener to those who
have formulated this policy.
Under the section “Miscellaneous” the
following provisions need to be examined.
7.1. It says each broadcasting organisation
will have to prepare a “charter of duties” and“editorial policy” in light
of the present policy announced by the government and nothing the broadcasting
channels can do which will be in contradiction with it. After preparing such
“charter” and “policy” the broadcasting bodies will have to have them
“approved” by the broadcast commission, which will be set up in the future.
While waiting the setting up of the commission, the information ministry will
have the power to “approve” them.
This is a direct threat to the freedom of
the media and practically usurps the power of the“editorial institution” of
the media and related freedom of operation. The editors and media personnel
will have no right to use their freedom and creativity in running their channels.
This also gives direct power to the ministry- read bureaucrats and their
political masters- to interfere in the work of the media.
7.3 (put Bangla text)…..
This has been drafted by people who have no
idea how broadcast media works. Imagine every TV channel running to
“appropriate authority” for vetting every advertisement that they will
broadcast. It is as if TV professionals have no “qualification” to judge the appropriateness
of ads and that government bureaucrats, who have no exposure to media’s work
have better “qualification” to judge the content of the said ad.
7.4 (use Bangla)
It says that information ministry will be
the ultimate judge of matters “not covered by this policy” and in all other
matters relating to “other policies and laws” that may be existing that are not
well known. This provision is vague, too sweeping and covers a vast area. Every
ministry and departments may have their own “policy guidelines” which then may
be interpreted by the information ministry in a manner that bureaucracy usually
does, which is against“peoples’ right to know”. This provision will greatly
hamper the work of a free media.
7.5. Use Bangla
This is in no way conducive to free media
There is another serious danger that this
policy poses, and one which has not been seriously discussed so far. If such a
policy or something remotely close to it is adopted then our broadcast media
runs the risk of becoming “dull and boring” Devoid of its freedom and chance to
go for creative and entertaining programmes our channels will be producing
programmes that will fail to attract the modern day viewers who are highly mobile
and extremely demanding. This especially true for the young who are the
“digital generation” and has no hesitation to shift their choice from channels
that are boring to those who are more interesting and entertaining.
This will lead to audience shifting from
our local channels to the foreign channels which, as we all know, are
enormously popular in today Bangladesh. In fact our present TV channels have,
in a big way, retrieved much of that shift through their modern programming. Bu
such a policy, as prescribed, will force a switch of viewers which will be
followed by a switch of advertisers. Such a shift will virtually cause a huge
drop in audience and advertising. This may lead to the “slow death”[ of the
local broadcasting industry.
We conclude by saying that we are not
opposed to a Broadcasting policy per se. We want is a law that nurtures freedom
and helps us to grow as a matured industry where maximum public service can be
rendered while upholding the highest ethical standards of an ethical and free
To get such a law we think-as does the
associations of journalists, association of broadcasters and others-that we
should first have an Independent Broadcasting Commission that should frame a
new law with the stakeholders as partners and not as victims.
Form the Independent Commission immediately
and let it formulate the policy. Government has put the cart before the horse.
In the end we say what we said at the start, government can throttle the media
for the present, but free media will win in the end.
Mahfuz Anam is a celebrated editor of prestigious newsapaper The Daily Star and General Secretary of Bangladesh Editors Council
Baroness Sayeeda Warsi resigned from the British government on
Wednesday in a challenge to Prime Minister David Cameron over Britain’s “morally
indefensible” approach to the Conflict in Gaza.
She must have drawn praise for this bold decision from all around
the world who have condemned Israeli barbarity in the small Gaza Strip in
But people in Bangladesh were bemused by an official statement she
had as the first British Muslim Cabinet minister, shedding crocodile tears for
indicted Bangladesh war criminals and thus blamed the independence of judiciary.
She was all in “tears” for fugitive war criminal Abul Kalam Azad who
had been convicted and sentenced to death by the International War Crimes
Tribunal (ICT) for crimes he committed against humanity during Bangladesh’s
1971 War or Independence from Pakistan.
Azad is reportedly living in exile in Pakistan trying to escape the
Regarding her resignation, the baroness Warsi tweeted: “If I have a
view on the economy I’m a Tory..... but on foreign policy it’s because I’m
Earlier in January 2013, the British Foreign
Office Minister Baroness Warsi commented on the first judgement reached by the Bangladesh
ICT and the death penalty handed down to fugitive Abul Kalam Azad.
Warsi, a daughter of
Pakistani immigrants, stated: “The British Government notes the verdict by the International Crimes Tribunal in
the case of Abul Kalam Azad. The British Government supports the efforts of
Bangladesh to bring to justice those responsible for committing atrocities
during the 1971 War, although we remain strongly opposed to the application of
the death penalty in all circumstances.
British Government is aware of concerns expressed by some human rights NGOs and
legal professionals about proceedings at the International Crimes Tribunal. We
hope that the International Crimes Tribunal addresses such concerns promptly
and thoroughly to ensure the continued integrity, independence and reputation
of the legal process in Bangladesh.”
Foreign Minister met Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina a day after “Butcher of
Mirpur” Kader Mollah was hanged on 12 December last year, and stressed UK’s opposition
to the death penalty.
Minister Mahmood Ali during bilateral talks with his British counterpart said
that Bangladesh has taken a “bold step” to break the cycle of impunity and
bring the perpetrators of sexual violence and crimes against humanity during
1971 war of independence to justice.
an independent British newspaper, writes: The government came under intense
international pressure to halt the execution amid warnings from Western leaders
that it will lead to more violence and sabotage talks to persuade Bangladesh’s
opposition parties to contest next month’s (January 2014) general election.
Kabir, a social justice activist, dubbed Warsi’s statement “outrageous” and
“interference” into Bangladesh justice to bring the war crimes suspect on the
As the first Muslim Cabinet minister Warsi
adopted some brave stances on a number of controversial issues – such as
proposals to ban veils – and had spoken out about wider Islamophobia. Neither
stance saved her from abuse and threats of violence from extremist elements in
the Muslim community.
To restore her cloudy image among the
Muslim community in Britain, it could be a political stunt, an anonymous tweet
has been an open secret in Westminster that Warsi has been angered since her
demotion from Tory party chair, writes Independent newspaper published from
British officials appeared critical of Lady Warsi's judgment, saying:
"This is a disappointing and frankly unnecessary decision. The British
Government is working with others in the world to bring peace to Gaza and we do
now have a tentative ceasefire which we all hope will hold."
Baroness Anelay, the government's Chief Whip in the House of Lords is to
replaced Baroness Warsi as a Foreign Office minister.
Saleem Samad is an Ashoka Fellow (USA), a media rights activists and is a journalist for the Daily Observer, published from Bangladesh
Kennedy, President of the Robert F. Kennedy Center (third from right), with
Grameen Bank members.
week, at the invitation of my friend Muhammad Yunus, I traveled to Bangladesh, a
truly humbling and inspiring experience. I met so many incredible people
struggling to improve their country and their lives. I wrote a letter to my
daughters about my travels, which follows:
Dear Cara, Mariah and Michaela,
Visiting Bangladesh has been a lifelong dream of mine, but all that I had heard
about a people who love freedom so much that they have withstood great armies,
famine and intractable poverty could not prepare me for what I've seen in the
last three days.
The Bengali patriots' courage and endurance in the face of the Pakistani army
forty years ago is the stuff of legend in our family. I remember your Great
Uncle Teddy telling us about his visit to the Calcutta refugee camps, where
tens of thousands lived not in tents but in sewer pipes. The people in these
camps had fled the mass killings -- some would say genocide -- that the United
States had failed to stop, as the Nixon Administration's official policy was to
choose our relationship with Pakistan over those who shared our love of freedom.
Great Uncle Teddy promised to return when the country gained independence, and
a few months later, he and Uncle Joe were among the first international
visitors to the newborn country of Bangladesh.
Given what I'd heard from Uncle Teddy, I suppose I should not have been
surprised by the inspiring people that my colleague Lydia Allen and I met in
Bangladesh, people who endure extreme hardship for the freedom that they love
and that they demand for their country.
In a small wooden room packed with women in bright saris, we met a proud
shareholder of the Grameen Bank -- the transformative microlending institution
founded by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus -- who borrowed 5,000 taka
(about $80) and bought a rickshaw, and then 20,000 taka ($240) and bought a
cow, and then 30,000 taka ($480) and bought land. Thanks to her hard work and
the Grameen Bank, she now has a house full of furniture, a field full of food,
water, a working toilet, and a television set. She saves 100 taka per month,
and this year she will receive 100,000 taka ($750) from her savings.
We met a store owner and her husband, who borrowed from Grameen to buy solar
panels, which have allowed them to expand their storefront and provide light to
the brick house they share with three siblings and their in-laws.
We met a young woman on a Grameen scholarship who will be the first woman in
her family to go to college. She is majoring in computer science and plans to
start a business in the IT sector that will transform her neighborhood.
We met ten women who sit on the board of the Grameen Bank, borrowers all.
They're angry at the government and concerned for the future of the bank. The
government recently ousted Dr. Yunus from the board of his own bank on the
pretense that he had overstayed the mandatory retirement age of sixty. Then,
finding no other legal way to do so, the government cajoled the rubber-stamp
Parliament to change a banking law for the specific purpose of ousting the
impoverished women from the Grameen board and replacing them with ruling party
toadies, who, the women fear, will transform the multibillion-dollar bank that
has helped so many escape poverty into just another slush fund for kleptocrats
to draw upon.
We met a dozen women, many of them lawyers, all of them leaders of NGOs that
address pressing issues like indigenous rights, due process of law, violence
against women, dowry battles, rape, and environmental justice. Many have been
arrested, and many live under daily threat. One said her husband had been "disappeared"
in apparent retaliation for her work. They are scared of the nation's security
forces, which are known for kidnappings, torture and extrajudicial executions.
And yet they wake up in the morning, kiss their children and their husbands,
and return to work, a daily show of quiet courage.
We met a woman who worked at the collapsed Rana Plaza sweatshop who said she
never wants to work in the apparel industry again. I met another who said the
same thing, but added, "But we are poor, and we must work."
They were among a crowd lining the hallway and sitting at intake tables at the
offices of the Rana Plaza Claims Administration, the nonprofit group charged
with addressing reparations for the victims of the Rana Plaza collapse. It is
an impressive operation, manned by a team of dedicated professionals in labor,
law and computer science, intent on making payouts to every single victim for
physical and psychological injuries and to the scores of dependents who lost
the family breadwinner in the tragedy. They have $17 million to hand out, and
calculate the need will be closer to $40 million, but the fund is voluntary and
no law compels the brands to pay their fair share. While some have been
generous, too many others have refused to participate, because no law compels
them to do so.
We met U.S. Ambassador Dan Mozena, a man singularly committed to advancing U.S.
interests abroad by protecting basic rights and increasing the prosperity of
the people of Bangladesh. He invited me to visit the Edward M. Kennedy Center
and the Ted Cafe, a gathering place created by the embassy for NGOs to meet and
speak in safety, and for young people to learn about our country.
Michaela, the book shelf of one entire room was jammed with SAT prep books,
looking all too familiar. Thanks to Ambassador Mozena, you will have plenty of
competition from young Bangladeshis as you apply for college, determined to
gain an education at U.S. schools, and return to their homeland with new hope
for the future.
We met Adil Rahman Khan, who has organized a team of 400-plus human rights
monitors and defenders across the country to investigate and report on
violations of voting rights; on crackdowns on free speech and assembly; and on
torture, extrajudicial execution, disappearances, and more--holding the
government accountable for its failures to protect the freedom that the
Bangladeshi people won at such great cost 40 years ago. Adil seeks
accountability in a country where 197 anti-corruption officers are presently
under investigation for corruption themselves. For his actions, Adil lives
under a constant threat of death. Last year, after issuing a report documenting
a massacre by government forces of 61 protestors, he was taken away and held
without trial for 62 days in a filthy cell, ridden with bedbugs and rotten food.
How proud Uncle Teddy would be to know that this man, who personifies all the
values that Teddy and Grandpa Bobby so admired, will receive the Robert F.
Kennedy Human Rights Award later this year.
And, of course, we met with my dear friend Dr. Yunus. He invited us to come to
Dhaka for Social Business Day, where people from scores of countries across the
globe gathered to share their designs and experiences with creating businesses
which seek not profits for shareholders but solutions to problems like housing
or food access.
You were still in diapers when Dr. Yunus came to our home nearly
15 years ago and I interviewed him for my book Speak Truth to Power. I have
always been struck by the sense of peace and joy he conveys in the many lectures
I have since seen him deliver. But I never appreciated how incredible that was
until I saw him in Bangladesh. He is under unremitting pressure from a
government that seeks to destroy all he has given his life to build. And yet he
endures, and invites us to somehow find peace amidst the chaos in our lives and
find our joy through service. His steady bearing reminded me of these lines
from Rudyard Kipling's poem "If":
"If you can bear to hear the truth you've spoken
Twisted by knaves to make a trap for fools,
If you can watch the things you gave your life for, broken,
And stoop and build 'em up with worn-out tools...
If you can talk with crowds and keep your virtue,
Or walk with Kings -- nor lose the common touch...
If you can fill the unforgiving minute
With sixty seconds' worth of distance run,
Yours is the Earth and everything that's in it..."
By this measure, Dr. Yunus has achieved the world.
What an amazing place, what an amazing country. As we in America celebrate our
own Independence Day this week, I hope we can take inspiration from the people
of Bangladesh and rededicate ourselves to democracy and freedom, knowing that
the price may be high, but the sacrifice is well worthwhile.