Bangladesh: Golden Hues of Hope in Sonar Bangla

Survey & Graphics: Courtesy Daily Star
MALOY KRISHNA DHAR

BANGLADESH HAS visibly crossed several crossroads. After thirty five years of the dastardly assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman by army rebels guided by plotters like Khondakar Mushtaque Ahmad, Ziaur Rahman justice has been meted out to five killers. They were hanged on January 28, 2010. The remaining seven killers are hiding abroad. Irrespective of their humanitarian considerations and aversion for death sentence these countries including Canada should repatriate the national criminals of Bangladesh. Only then, the cycle of justice would be completed. The hangings have sent a message to the butchers of democracy that Bangladesh was created by the visionaries who wanted separate cultural identity for the Bengali speaking people of Pakistan. Unfortunately, in Pakistan the killers of Z. A. Bhutto (judicial hanging) and Benazir Bhutto are yet to be brought to the books. Pakistan has emerged as a country where human lives are cheaper than foul and goat hawked in the market. A nation cannot maintain its entity if the killers, coup leaders and usurpers are not brought to justice.

Earlier in January 2009 dramatic changes took place in the political scenario of the struggling nation. Political developments during last decade had brought into sharp focus on the quantum of ideological chasm between the forces headed by pro-liberation and secular combine headed by Sheikh Hasina Wazed and the post-Mujib political usurpers, pro-Pakistani and Islamist conglomerate headed by Begum Khaleda Zia of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). If Ziaur Rahman was a part of the plot to kill Sheikh Mujib, how can his wife remain ignorant about that? She should be made to speak and disclose the truth and crimes committed against the people of Bangladesh.

Bangladesh was born out of the aspirations of the Bengali speaking people to achieve political, economic, and cultural freedom from the overwhelming alien ethnic forces represented by Punjabi dominated political, bureaucratic and military hegemony. The movements also aimed at restoration of the unique secular tradition of the Bengali speaking people-on either side of the geopolitical fence.

Violent changes imposed on the people of Bangladesh by the conspiratorial forces of Pakistan, USA; represented by the ISI and the CIA and the fundamentalist Jamaat-e-Islami had tried to virtually negate the achievements of the liberation war. Mujib’s death and ultimate capture of power by Ziaur Rahman marked the stark dividing line between the forces of liberation, establishment of secular democratic forces represented by the Awami League and the pro-Pakistan, pro-Islamist non-secular forces represented by the BNP. The BNP was not only a political face of the military regime; it emerged as the umbrella for all non-secular Islamist anti-Indian forces and an echo pillar for the Pakistani conspirators. Common sensible people in Bangladesh call the BNP as Bangla Name Pakistan (Pakistan in the garb of Bangla political front).

This was proved beyond doubt when Ziaur Rahman allowed the Jamaat chief to return to Bangladesh and reopen the fundamentalist shop. Zia’s open collaboration with the CIA and the ISI resulted in recruitment of over 15, 000 Bangladeshis and Rohingyas for undergoing training in ISI, Al Qaeda and Afghan mujahideen camps and fighting against the USSR. Nearly 2000 Bangla jihadis were deputed to Bosnia, Chechnya and other theatres of jihad directly or indirectly sponsored by the USA, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Al Qaeda. Zia was responsible for Islamization of secular Bangladesh and dragging it closer to Pakistan.

After conclusion of the Afghan jihad 8000 odd jihadis returned to Bangladesh, who opened new jihadi outfits to Islamicise Bangladesh and remove the last vestiges of the secular identity of the Bangladeshi people. Since then the Jamaat and the jihadi forces did not have to look back. Islamization process, proliferation in activities of the jihadi groups and stranglehold of Pakistan and pumping in of Arab world fund for strengthening Islamic resurgence were given priority by the BNP and Jamaat coalition government. Between 1993 and 2003 over 36 jihadi tanzeems rooted in the country and over 8000 afghan war veterans opened new jihad accelerating bodies, started over 65 new madrasas and proclaimed that their objective was establishing Nizam-e-Mustafa in Bangladesh. The BNP/Jamaat government did everything possible to bury the name of Bangabandhu, arranged attempt on Sheikh Hasina’s life and closed eyes on the activities of Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), Harkat-ul-Jihad al Islami (HuJI), Bangla Bhai, Hizbut Tehrir, Ahl-e-Hadith and Allahar Dal etc armed terrorist movements. Pakistani jihadi tanjeems like the Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammad etc also opened shop in Bangladesh and the ISI, in collaboration with the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) accelerated terrorist activities in India. It is needless to say that the pro-Pakistani tools of governance in Bangladesh were treated as the most trusted allies by the Indian ethnic insurgent groups.

However, oxidization of the golden hue dream of Sonar Bangla was abruptly checkmated with the landslide win of the Awami League headed by Sheikh Hasina in the last election and marginalization of BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami and other fanatic forces. The people of Bangladesh voted overwhelmingly for Sheikh Hasina to restore freedom of the country that was earned with blood of millions of Bangla citizens. However, this new earned freedom faced immediate threat in the form of bloodied revolt by the Bangladesh Rifles, a paramilitary force. Within two months of installation of the new government of liberation the Bangladesh Rifle officers and jawans staged a revolt in Dhaka and other detachment headquarters. The bloodied revolt, ostensively staged on certain grievances, there were informed opinions that political opponents and sections of the armed forces and the military intelligence, the DGFI, had motivated the revolt to get pro-democracy Army Chief General Moeen removed and bring about a army coup by dismissing the newly elected government. There were reports that BNP and Jamaat leaders were the main motivators. However, Sheikh Hasina tackled the national crisis with firm grit and determination and pragmatic approach.

It can be said that Hasina has succeeded to a great extent in defanging the DGFI and has established reasonable control on the armed forces by pushing aside the prominent BNP and Jamaat leaning senior army officers. To General Moeen goes the credit of helping the secular and democratic government.

After completion of one year in January 2010, despite several internal shortcomings, Hasina government has maintained reasonably high level of popularity. According to a study carried out recently by Daily Star newspaper of Bangladesh, the new government has suffered some erosion in popularity on certain fronts. But it maintained considerable popular support. In an impoverished country like Bangladesh it is not possible for any government to maintain 80% popularity. Drought, flood, cyclones and shortage of food, shelter and lack of employment opportunities obviously maintain high level of disapproval of any government in a struggling country like Bangladesh. Bangladesh depends heavily on manpower export to Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Libya and the Gulf countries. After the global recession thousands of labour force working abroad returned home, putting pressure on the employment front. The youths are restive and they want the Dhaka government to negotiate with other countries to facilitate their job opportunities in foreign markets; mostly in semi-skilled labour sectors.

Government actions to ban jihadi entities like Ahl-e-Hadith, Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh, HuJI, Allahar Dal and hanging of three JMB criminals for serial bombings obviously irritated good number of fanatics, which constitute nearly 15%-20% population of the state. Large numbers of jihadi activists were arrested and are being tried. The discovery of huge arms and ammunition manufacturing facility at Bhola, an island, which was being run by a British national of Bangladesh origin, Faisal Mustafa under cover of Green Crescent madrasa, highlighted the determination of Hasina government to deal firmly with all terror breeding organizations.

The government also relentlessly pursued the illegal import of 10 trucks full of sophisticated weapons by the ULFA in collaboration with the National Security Intelligence (NSI) and the DGFI. The arms were imported by ULFA chief Paresh Barua in 2004. The BNP government winked at the induction of 10 trucks full of weapons for carrying out depredations in Assam and other places in northeast India. Only after the new government came to power several senior officers of the NSI and the DGFI and other accused persons related to BNP were arrested and brought up for trial.

These steps, coupled with the government decision to modernize madrasa education and streamlining religious education in co0nformity with the education policy of the country has angered the Maulvis and other streams of religious teachers. This class is not happy with government decision to overhaul rural primary education and to root out organized armed gangs dominating several educational institutions in the country.

Devastation caused by Cyclone Sidr in November 2005 and Cyclone Aila in May 2009 left hundreds of villages in ruins. The rural poor in the southern districts were most hard hit. Despite mobilization of internal and international help the government has not been able to restore normalcy. Economic recession accompanied by shortage of funds and other amenities have left thousands of families still uprooted and unsettled.

The government of Sheikh Hasina struggled to cope with natural disasters, challenges from the Islamist terrorists, pro-Pakistani political conspirators and global recession. In a politically volatile country economic depression and price rise and inflation add to restlessness and such opportunities are exploited by diversionary political elements like the BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami and their cohorts. In the midst of such chaotic ambience Hasina completed her one year in power and the survey taken up by Daily Star indicate that despite several factors of dissatisfaction Hasina has maintained high degree of popularity.

There are few other reasons of dissatisfaction in several segments of the populace. Though violence was injected into the political and social souls of Bangladesh by the killers of Mujib and later military dictators, the people of Bangladesh have not succumbed to the culture of violence, as imbued by the Pakistani society, where religious banditry is passed as Islam. However, in Bangladesh the student’s movement has become the violent fringes of political ideology.

The student wing of Awami League, Chattra League, is a powerful institution. The League has firm stranglehold in most educational institutions and they are also known for interfering in local administration. Bangladesh politics is crucially dominated by students unions, mainly Chattra League (AL), Chattra Dal (BNP), Islamic Chattra Shibir (Jamaat-e- Islami), Islamic Student Movement of Bangladesh (want Khilafa), and Revolutionary Students Unity of Bangladesh (Left) etc. These students unions, aligned on political lines, often clash in the Universities and other educational institutions. They try to capture the university hostels and dictate terms on the authorities. During BNP/Jamaat rule the Chattra Dal and Chattra Shibir along with Islamic Student Movement of Bangladesh dominated the political scene, tender grabbing for government works, killing and maiming Chattra League activists and maiming the local administration.

Now that Awami League is in power the Chattra League is flexing muscles. Grabbing tenders for government works has become an issue of serious concern. There are frequent violent clashes between Chattra League, Chattra Dal and Islamic Chattra Shibir. In recent months there have been serious efforts by Chattra Dal and Shibir to capture political grassroots in different districts by violently dislodging the Chattra League. In January 2010 a combined group of Shibir and Chattra Dal carried out violent armed attack on a Dhaka university college.

Such clashes often result in killing of students and members of the faculty. Sheikh Hasina has several times tried to discipline the Chattra League leaders and party leaders who exercise control on CL in different districts. General public opinion is against such activism by the student unions of the political parties. However, there has been some qualitative difference this time. A number of Chattra League leaders have been booked under the law for criminal activities. The government does not want to come down heavily fearing upsurge of student unions owing allegiance to the opposition parties. Hasina has some tight rope warning ahead. She has to convert the dynamism of the students and youths to constructive activities for fighting fundamentalism, promote secularism and get them imbued with spirit of sacrifices committed by the leading freedom fighters. Mukti Juddha (freedom struggle) is still a vibrant dream in the minds of majority of Bangladeshi people. The students can help Hasina by harnessing these sentiments.

The other issue that agitates public minds is Cross Firing by Rapid Action Battalions (RAB). In Bangladesh Cross Fire means faked encounter. During BNP/Jamaat rule there were over 500 Cross Fire killings of criminals, political opponents and Marxist-Leninist and Maoist leaders and workers. In the western districts of Bangladesh the revolutionary Maoist left movement is quite strong. During last one year about 100 people have died in Cross Fire. This legacy of killing the people in the ruse of encounter allegedly helps the administration to avoid going through the encumbered hassles of legal prosecution. Only recently Hasina government has issued some directives to examine each and every case of Cross Fire death. Bangladesh Human Rights activists are also agitating against this legacy of the military rule and reckless rule by BNP/Jamaat.

The issue of security of the minorities (Hindu, Buddhists, Christians and peripheral Hindu tribals) is a burning issue. With the return of Sheikh Hasina the minorities had heaved a sigh of relief that they would no more be subjected to rioting, forcible eviction from their lands and homes, their women would be protected and their religious places would not be destroyed by the BNP, Jamaat and Jihadi groups. According available statistics during the BNP/Jamaat rule over 1500 homes of the minorities were forcibly occupied, about 1500 acres of land grabbed, 370 minority women were raped and about the same umber kidnapped, converted and married to Muslims. Besides such atrocities plundering of Hindu business establishments and killing of businessmen had become a common feature. The minority segments of the people, especially the huge tribal population of Chittagong Hill Tracts still feel insecure. Hasina government has taken some steps to ensure security of the minorities, but in a wild riverine country dictates of the law are often hijacked by the Islamists and minority baiters. Being the head of a secular and democratic government Sheikh Hasina has to perform better and bring in new legislation for constitutional protection of the minorities as prevalent in India. Bangladesh requires constitutional guarantees for their rights. This action would be the acid test of Bangladeshi secularism.

Bangladesh government has been cautioned against promulgating a law that would encourage land grabbers to illegally seize properties belonging to minority Hindus, accelerating a process that has been on since India’s partition in 1947. Human rights activists, lawyers and NGOs urged the government to scrap the proposed ‘Vested Property Verification, Selection and Settlement Ordinance, 2008′. They are of the view that ‘Vested Property Return Act 2001’ is good enough to resolve the land issue of the minority community (Hindu). This replaced a Pakistan era law enacted to deal with the ownership rights over the ‘enemy property’, left behind by millions of minority Hindus who migrated to India. It was either left to the care of relatives who chose to stay behind, or was grabbed, generating legal disputes. Studies have shown that this process continued after the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971 and land-grabbing has been condoned by all political parties. The Awami League government was keen to introduce the new proposed law in the Parliament. However, under pressure from different lobbies the government has deferred the move. Some modifications have been suggested. This historic issue should be settled to the satisfaction of the minorities, otherwise Hasina government would lose popularity amongst the minority population. Surprisingly enough the government of India had not brought up this subject for bilateral discussion with the Bangladesh Prime Minister during her recent visit to Delhi. Sheikh Hasina must gather support to bring about a new law that would protect land, lives and dignity of the minorities, setting up a standard for all other Muslim majority countries.

Corruption and price rise in Bangladesh is rampant as in India and various parts of South Asia and South East Asia. Poverty is more acute in Bangladesh, particularly in the rural areas. High rise in consumer commodity prices during last one year has caused severe distress amongst the poor segments of the people. Observers opined that Hasina government is either unwilling or in collusion with the corrupt hoarders, speculators and price manipulators. This allegation is wild. She is personally honest, but it is not possible to inject honesty serum in all politicians and bureaucrats. India has miserably failed. Why bait Bangladesh alone?

Fish, a staple daily diet has become scarce. Bangladesh has to import fish from India though certain categories of fish are allowed to be exported to earn foreign exchange. Obviously, Bangladesh is heavily dependent on India for edible oils, pulses, condiments, sugar and other items of daily needs. Closure of legal or illegal trade with India for more than 15 days would create severe scarcity in Bangladesh, which is capable of provoking critical political crisis. With the improvement of bilateral relations border trading and regular export and import situation should improve. Hasina’s government has marginally succeeded in bringing down prices of essential commodities to some extent and the country gained bumper production in the wake of giving subsidy to agriculture inputs.

While the above narrated issues are responsible for dwindling popularity of Hasina government within a year of her thundering return to power she deserves applause on certain other scores. There cannot be exclusive black and white situation.

Her government has displayed that it is determined to root out jihadism and terrorism in any form. The interim government as well as the new elected government has started taking firm action against the major and minor Islamist, terrorist and jihadi organisations. The Ahl-e-Hadith Bangladesh, Harkat-ul-Jihad al Islami, Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh, Hizbut Tehrir and Allhar Dal etc virulently violent organisations have been banned. Several JMB activists, bomb specialists have been arrested and prosecuted. JMB is regarded as the affiliate of Taliban in Bangladesh, Its connectivity with al Qaeda is well proved. A special Bangladesh court sentenced three members of militant Islamic groups to death on in February2008 for involvement in a suicide bombing more than two years ago in which eight people were killed. Besides this the JMB was responsible for 49 serial bombing on a single day. Prime Minister Hasina made it clear in public speeches that Bangladesh would not be allowed to become a playground of jihadis and terrorists like Pakistan. Pakistan’s policy of creating and playing with terror groups has backfired on it. It is reeling under self-grown jihadist attacks.

The Supreme Court of Bangladesh upheld a 2005 ruling by the High Court throwing out the fifth amendment of the constitution, which had allowed religion-based politics to flourish in the country during the last three decades. But Begum Zia government did not implement it. Following the apex court order, dozens of Islamic political parties must drop Islam from their name and stop using religion during their election campaigns. Religion based politics was added to the constitution by the Fifth Amendment carried out during late president Ziaur Rahman’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government in 1979.This had allowed the religion-based political parties to play freely and added the Arabic “Bismillah-Ar-Rahman-Ar-Rahim” or in the name of God, the most merciful, benevolent in the preamble in the constitution. Some interpreters commented that the words “Bismillahir Rahman ar Rahim” in the preamble of the constitution would remain intact as the High Court verdict did not say anything about the words and those were part of the constitution’s preamble, not of the “main body”. The word “secularism” would automatically be restored in the constitution once the Court verdict is implemented. The latest order of Bangladesh Supreme Court confirming earlier order of the High Court that the regimes in Bangladesh after Mujib assassination to 1979 ascendance of usurper Ziaur Rahman has finally invalidated the 5th amendment to the Constitution. This is a big victory for the Bangladeshi freedom fighters. Perhaps Hasina government can now proceed to nullify various other orders perpetuated by Zia and his successor government for making Bangladesh an Islamic fundamentalist nation.

The fundamentalist and reactionary leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami, Islamic Chattra Shibir, Islamic Oikyo Jot, Khilafat Movement of Bangladesh and Ulema Council of Bangladesh had organized a gathering in front of Dhaka’s National Press Club and voiced protest against the Supreme Court verdict. These groups and other resurgent Islamic organisations are likely to link up with BNP and whip up protest in the ruse of Sheikh Hasina signing several agreements with India allegedly jeopardizing Bangladesh’s sovereignty and security. The pro-Pakistani and Islamist lobbies are on the verge of whipping up unrest to regain political toe hold after their humiliating defeat in last Parliamentary and local body elections. These pro-Pakistani forces, as a last resort, pick up the anti-India broom to clean up their own dirty homes.

Cracking down on organized crime, identifying and prosecuting corrupt politicians and bureaucrats, improving general law & order situation are some of other achievements of Hasina government. The U.S. government has dropped Bangladesh from its watch list following the improvement in the human rights scenario.

Despite global economic recession, the Bangladeshi economy did not suffer the way as feared by many economists and experts. The stimulus package announced by the government for vulnerable sectors helped a lot to keep the economy going. The country’s foreign exchange reserve exceeded 10 billion U.S. dollars, and inflation was pulled down to 4.69 percent in August 2009 from 10.11 percent when she formed the government on Jan. 6 last year. The flow of remittances has increased 22.4 percent from the previous year. The scenario of rural employment has improved significantly.

Another golden hue was added to the history of Bangladesh when the Bangla Supreme Court handed down death sentence on five former army officers for assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his other colleagues in and death warrant was issued against Lt. Col. Syed Farooq Rahman, Lt. Col. Sultan Sahriar Rashid Khan, Major Bazlul Huda, Maj. A. K. M. Mohiuddin Ahmed and Lt. Col Mohiuddin Ahmed. The process of prosecution had started in 1996. It took 13 years to conclude the proceedings of the most unfortunate crime committed by former army officers. The killers had enjoyed indemnity under Khondakar, Ziaur and Ershad regime. The development has, on the one hand buoyed up moral of the secular forces and on the other has set up an example to the erring army officers and pro-Pakistani forces. Several documents and evidences pointing finger at Ziaur Rahman being one of the background plotters of assassination of Mujib has embarrassed the BNP and lowered its image in public eye.

Sheikh Hasina’s recent visit to Delhi has resulted in mutually beneficial agreements. Several contentious issues have been sorted out. In the 50 point historic communiqué issued after the summit meeting at Hyderabad House, PM Hasina and PM Manmohon had pledged commitment to working positively for solving all issues with the spirit of mutual respect, understanding and cooperation. The Indian government has categorically committed that nothing that harms Bangladesh will be done at Tipaimukh hydro project. The PM's also vowed to work positively to reach an agreement regarding sharing of Teesta River water. The Joint River Commission (JRC) meeting is likely to meet soon to expedite this and also on issues related to Feni, Muhuri, Khowai, Dharala and Dudkumar rivers will be held at a convenient time in the current quarter of 2010. Actions on dredging of Ichamati River and protection of Mahananda, Karotoa, Nagar, Kulik, Atrai, Dharala and Feni rivers were also agreed to be worked out. India appreciated the urgency of Bangladesh government to regenerate required water flow in all rivers and agreed to support Bangladesh initiatives to dredge rivers for flood control, navigation and access to ports. India agreed to provide dredgers on urgent basis.

The two PM’s also agreed to resolve maritime boundary disputes through mutual discussions. They acknowledged the initiation of proceedings under Annex VII of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and in that context India welcomed a visit of a Bangladesh delegation. Issues related to land boundary disputes were agreed to be resolved keeping in view the spirit of 1974 Land Boundary agreement. It was agreed to convene Joint Boundary Working Group to address this issue.

Bangladesh agreed to let India, Nepal and Bhutan use Mongla and Chittagong port by rail and road for trading. It was also agreed that Rohanpur-Singabad broad gauge railway link will be available for Bangladesh for transit to Nepal. Bangladesh informed India of its intention to convert Radhikapur- Birol railway line into broad gauge and requested railway transit link to Bhutan as well. To facilitate smooth trading of goods, it was agreed that trucks from Bhutan and Nepal would be allowed to enter about 200 meters into the zero point at Banglabandha at Banglabandha-Phulbari land customs station. Necessary arrangements will be mutually agreed upon and put in place by both countries.

Countries agreed to jointly combat organized terrorism, insurgency and criminal activities. Countries earlier signed to exchange convicted criminals. PM’s assured each other that the territory of either will not be allowed for activities inimical to the other, and resolved not to allow their respective territories to be used for training, sanctuary and other operations by domestic or foreign terrorist/militant and insurgent organisations and their operatives. Both prime ministers agreed that the respective border guarding forces will exercise restraint, and underscored the importance of regular meetings between the two border security forces to curtail illegal cross border activities, and to prevent loss of lives.

Apart from above Bangladesh and India earlier signed three agreements and two MOUs. Bangladesh under power trading agreement will import about 250MW power from Indian eastern grid. The actions required for Grid connectivity will be completed soon. Power trading agreement is the stepping stone to set up regional power grid and energy ring.

Besides these agreements Bangladesh has shown goodwill by arresting and handing over to India important leaders of ULFA, NLFT and NDFB organizations. Paresh Barua the military commander of ULFA has now taken shelter in China. With the improved relationship India and Bangladesh can perhaps establish a common economic zone that would benefit both the countries. In case the present trend is sustained and Sheikh Hasina’s government gets a longer lease of life Bangladesh can make enormous progress and it can invite investment by foreign countries including India for rapid economic progress and improvement of its natural resources. Several Indian investors have expressed intention to invest in power, oil exploration and other industries in Bangladesh. Hopefully, at the bilateral level some positive structures can be worked out.
It may be recalled that India and Bangladesh now jointly stand as buffer between Islamist jihadism in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Southern Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines. If this buffer is allowed to strengthen, both the countries can become islands of democracy and secularism in South and South East Asia. As it appears, India is ready to walk alongside Bangladesh in this mission.

The people of Bangladesh has finally proved that despite hijacking of the polity and policies of secular Bangladesh by pro-Pakistani forces and attempted Islamisation of the country from1976 to 2006, the Bengali identity, cultural values, traditions of secularism and love for freedom and liberty remain the main building blocks of the nation. The dream of Mujib’s Sonar Bangla may not materialize but the present developments present a golden hue. However, the dark clouds of machinations by pro-Pakistani BNP and Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami jihadist forces are just hibernating. They have the capability of striking against the forces of secularism and freedom movement in collaboration with their foreign mentors and moneybags. #

First published in maloykrishnadhar.com, February 7, 2010

Maloy Krishna Dhar writes on security issues, a retired Indian intelligence officer and specialized in counter-terrorism, counter-insurgency and counter-intelligence operations

Religion in politics

Photo: Islamist rampage after deadline expires to implement Sharia law and also declare the 160 million secular nation as an Islamic state

IN A move aimed at reviving the spirit of Bangladesh’s original 1972 constitution which barred religion in politics, the Bangladesh Supreme Court recently lifted a four-year stay on an earlier ruling. As a result, the country’s dozens of Islamic political parties can no longer campaign under the banner of religion, and are likely to be forced to drop the religious reference from their names. The court declared as void ab initio the relevant fifth amendment to the constitution, which was carried out in 1979 during a Bangladesh Nationalist Party government. It allowed religion-based politics — which then flourished.

Given that Bangladesh has amongst the world’s largest Muslim populations, this is a quantum leap forward. The court decision, if upheld during appeals, will affect scores of powerful political parties and their voters, including the BNP now in the opposition. Yet it is worth noting that the verdict does not affect Islam’s constitutional status as the state religion or religious text that was incorporated in the constitution. Implicit, therefore, is the recognition that whatever the dominant religion, the business of the state and politics must be conducted independently; and that far from yielding benefits in terms of just and legitimate governance, the confluence of religion and politics can wreak havoc on a country’s political fabric.

Pakistan would do well to dwell on this. Religion, when enmeshed with politics, can deepen polarities and derail the examination of issues from the perspective of logic and the aggregate national benefit. We have seen, for example, how politics and state policies underpinned by religious diktat can lead to laws that are discriminatory and can be used as tools for victimisation. The Qisas and Diyat Act, the Hudood and the blasphemy laws are cases in point. At the very least, a political fabric woven from religion will either dismiss minorities and their rights, or polarise politics between dominant and minority religions. Pakistan made the state the custodian of religion through the 1949 Objectives Resolution, which was later made the preamble to the constitution by the Zulfikar Ali Bhutto government and added as an annex by Ziaul Haq. Although religious parties have not historically fared well in elections, Pakistan’s politics have, over successive decades, been coloured by religion. The separation of religion and politics will, of course, neither automatically ensure justice nor guard against the misuse of religion. But it can be a first step towards delineating the private and public spheres. This may be a good time to revisit Mr Jinnah’s 1947 address to Pakistan’s first constituent assembly, when he eloquently stated that religion had nothing to do with the business of the state. #

Editorial published in The Dawn, Pakistan, January 08, 2010

A second Kaptai dam?

Photo: Kaptai Dam spillway in Bangladesh currency

KABITA CHAKMA

THE NEWS heading "Another Kaptai dam for power generation: Govt seeks US help," reported in *The Daily Star*, on Friday January 22, made me consciously question: Am I reading this correctly? Is it a hoax or a mistake? Or is it a joke?

The story that followed was: "The government sought assistance from the USA in power sector for building another Kaptai dam for doubling hydropower generation from the lake waters in Rangamati hill district."

Questions arise immediately: Why hasn't there been any information on this in any news media? Why haven't local communities been informed about such a large project?

Shortly after the news was released, phone calls, e-mails, poured in from many Jumma and some non-Jumma expressing grave concerns:

"Another dam in CHT ? Using US money at the expense of Jumma land? Who knows how much Jumma land will be grabbed and then the power will be used to run factories in the plain land?"

"I wonder whether the state minister for environment had any consultation with the people of CHT before requesting for help to US government?"

"If this proposal for a second Kaptai dam is a serious proposal -- it seems so preposterous, I still have trouble believing the government would propose such a thing."

"The last dam cost us very very dearly."

"We should act immediately before its too late."

We have since learnt that even local institutions, like the Rangamati District Council and the CHT Regional Council, are looking for information on the project proposal. It has been confirmed that not a line was ever published about the project until the government sought financial assistance from the US on January 22.

Does the government really believe that another Kaptai dam is a justified, viable, sustainable development proposal?

If the government believes in another Kaptai dam project, why has the government been clandestine about the project? Why hasn't the government discussed the project with either the locals or their representatives? Why hasn't the government discussed the project in any public forum?

The Bangladesh government, as a democratic constituency, has an obligation to inform its own people about any project, which will affect them directly. In turn, its people have the right to know what will happen to them, to their homesteads, farms, woods, lives and livelihoods if another lake is created for doubling of electricity production.

There are now more questions than answers, more distrust than trust in the government. One key question arises: is this another act of treachery against the indigenous Jumma of CHT by its own government?

Our memory of the existing Kaptai dam, built in the 1960s with the assistance of USAID, without public information and local consultation, has not been erased from Jumma's collective memory. It continues to haunt thousands of Jummas of different generations.

It made 100,000 people (more than a quarter of the Jumma population) homeless and jobless. It destroyed 40 per cent of the most valuable agricultural land of the CHT. It also triggered over two decades of undeclared war.

There remain ongoing issues regarding the economic injustices against the hill people as an outcome of the inequitable sharing of electricity from the first Kaptai dam. Only a tiny amount of the promised compensation for the first dam was ever delivered and even today, about 50 years later, nearly 95 per cent of the electricity produced by the Kaptai dam is used for the development of the plains, not the CHT where the electricity is produced. Hence, there is a substantial economic debt owed to the peoples of the CHT by the state.

For the near 50 years of the existence of the Kaptai dam the CHT has suffered from a lack of electrical power. One would justifiably think that CHT should have the first priority of use of the electricity of the Kaptai dam and the surplus should go to the national grid. But instead, electricity produced by the Kaptai dam is delivered directly to the national grid, while electricity is returned to CHT only through Hathazari, a station at Chittagong district.

A respectful relationship between the CHT people and the state will remain difficult without addressing the existing economic injustices involved in the unfair distribution of electricity production. Depriving the CHT of benefit of the electricity can only exacerbate the injustices against the CHT people.

If there were ever to be another dam in the CHT, two steps seem necessary:

Firstly the financial, moral and ethical injustices that arose from the first dam be made good.

Secondly, the local people, their institutions and representatives must be substantially (not tokenistically) involved in the inception, planning, decision-making levels of the project and in its delivery and in maintenance. #

First published in The Daily Star, Bangladesh, February 4, 2010

Kabita Chakma, formally trained as an architect, is the Coordinator of CHT Jumma Peoples Network of the Asia Pacific

A Chakma in Pakistan

Photo: President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto with his entire cabinet received Raja Tridiv Roy on his return from United Nations in December 1972

NIRUPAMA SUBRAMANIAN

HE IS virtually unknown to the present generation of Pakistanis, and a fading memory for those old enough to know. But in the aftermath of 1971, when Bangladesh came into existence, Raja Tridiv Roy was quite the toast of Pakistan.

Then the titular chief of the Chittagong Hill Tract Chakmas, Mr. Roy was just one of two East Pakistan parliamentarians — Noor-ul-Amin was the other — to reject the new country, and throw in their lot with West Pakistan.

On the eve of the December 16 anniversary of the “Fall of Dhaka”, as the event is remembered in Pakistan, Mr. Roy told The Hindu in Islamabad that he has no regrets about that life-changing decision as his people continue to be discriminated against by Bangladesh.

“Chakma House”, as the small unassuming plaque on the gate says, in the leafy E-7 sector, is Mr. Roy’s home in the Pakistani capital. The coat of arms on it has dulled with time. Inside, the living room is furnished simply, and of the few paintings that adorn the walls, two are by a Bengali painter dated November 1971 portraying idyllic scenes of rural life in what was then East Pakistan.

“One of the chief reasons in my decision to support the Pakistani nation rather than the rebels in 1971 was that the people of the Chittagong Hill Tracts are not Bengalis, but unfortunately, the government of East Pakistan at that time was exploiting the area and the indigenous population,” said Mr. Roy.

The peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts felt more secure with the Pakistan central government, he said, even though they held it responsible for the large scale suffering of tens of thousands in the area displaced in 1960 by the building of the Kaptai Dam.

Referring to a report earlier this year by the International CHT Commission, Mr. Roy said the 1997 peace treaty between the people of the region and the Bangladesh government had yet to be implemented in letter and spirit.

“The feeling of being exploited is even more acute now,” he said, pointing to the changed demography of the region that had made the “son of the soil a minority in his own home.”

But Mr. Roy has studiously kept away from the Chakma issue over the last 38 years, and though he did not say why, one reason could be that he wanted to avoid embarrassment for Pakistan as it negotiated relations with the new Bangladesh.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto rewarded his decision to plump for Pakistan with a place in his 12-member cabinet, as minister for minority affairs, also holding the tourism portfolio. However, he never joined the Pakistan People’s Party, and even now, is not a member of any political party in this country. General Zia ul Haq sent him as envoy to Argentina, and after an unprecedented 15-year-stint in that country, Mr. Roy, who returned to Pakistan in 1996, remains a Federal Minister, but without portfolio.

In the early days, he had a reputation for his colourful personal life and the parties he threw at his home. But the 76-year-old is now a shadow of his former self. Seen at the occasional diplomatic reception, Mr. Roy cuts a lonely figure these days, though still a dapper one. He keeps a low profile, playing golf and bridge, travelling and working with Pakistan’s tiny Buddhist association.

“I’m concerned about the Chakmas, but not involved in any of the Chakma politics. I am not in touch with any of the groups, they do not seek my advice, nor do I advise any group on how they should conduct themselves,” he said.

“My overall advice is that that fight for your rights constitutionally, peacefully and do no go in for violence and killings amongst yourself and with others,” the 76-year-old Buddhist said.

He was, however, quite emphatic that he could have done nothing for his people had he chosen Bangladesh over Pakistan.

“If I had been there and not toed the government line, which I would not have been able to do,” he said, “I would have either been eliminated, put behind bars or silenced in one war or another. How would it have helped the Chakmas if I had been forced to become a stooge?”

Mr. Roy said he wanted to correct the popular impression that he ran away after the surrender of Pakistani forces on December 16. He left East Pakistan on November 11, much before the war began.

“The government of Pakistan [then led by General Yayha Khan] called me to represent the country as a special envoy, and my role was [to build international support] to prevent the impending war,” he said.

The fighting began on December 3, while he was still on a tour of south-east Asian countries. He recalled that he was in Bangkok on December 16, and returned to Pakistan on December 22. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had taken over the reins of the country by then, and asked him to join his cabinet.

Mr. Roy had been elected to the National Assembly in 1970 as the only independent candidate from the whole of East Pakistan, and with Noor-ul-Amin, was only one of two non-Awami League members in the East wing. A Buddhist, he was also the only non-Muslim in the parliament.

“He was a revered and respected head of his people. With him and Noor-ul-Amin, we were able to say that we were not without constituencies in East Pakistan,” recalled Mubashir Hassan, an associate of Bhutto and a senior cabinet colleague of Mr. Roy in that cabinet.

Bangladesh made early attempts to reclaim Mr. Roy. When the Chakma leader went to New York as leader of the Pakistani delegation in 1972, Sheikh Mujib sent his mother to persuade him to join Bangladesh, but he refused her entreaties. For this act of loyalty, he was feted by Bhutto on his return.

Most of Mr. Roy’s family, including his wife, remained behind in the new Bangladesh. Three children joined him later, but his eldest son, Debashis Roy, who remained behind with his mother and a sister, was anointed the new Chakma chief. He is a barrister in Dhaka and served in the recent interim government.

Mr. Roy, however, has never gone back to his home, Rangamati, in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, all these years, nor has he ever visited Bangladesh.

“Of course, I miss my people, my home, my community,” said the ageing raja, “but circumstances and history have played a great role in my life”.

Circumstances and history, says Raja Tridiv Roy, have played a great role in his life. #

Published in The Hindu, Chennai, India, December 16, 2009

Nirupama Subramanian, The Hindu’s correspondent in Pakistan, is an award winning journalist. She is specialist of Sri Lankan current affairs

Bangladesh executions may force Canada not to deport Toronto suspect

Photograph by: Canwest News Service, Photo Handout
Dismissed Major Nur Chowdhury is wanted by Bangladesh for the assassination of the country's founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the killing of 27 others in a military coup in 1975

RANDY BOSWELL

THURSDAY'S EXECUTION in Bangladesh of five men convicted of killing the country's "founding father" in 1975 may force Canada to reject calls to deport a Toronto resident also has been found guilty — and sentenced to hang — for his alleged role in the assassination plot.

Bangladeshi officials have been pressuring Canada to hand over Nur Chowdhury, a former army officer accused of firing the fatal shots in the August 1975 coup that left then-president Sheik Mujibur Rahman dead, along with a dozen others caught in the crossfire at the presidential compound in the capital Dhaka.

Chowdhury and several other suspects had left Bangladesh by the time the alleged plotters — some in custody, others deemed fugitives and living abroad — were convicted of the killings and sentenced to death in 1998.

Now living in Toronto, the 59-year-old Chowdhury has been challenging a Canadian deportation order on the grounds that he will be put to death if returned to Bangladesh.

Canada, which abolished capital punishment in 1976, requires foreign nations to guarantee that any suspect extradited or deported from this country will not be subject to the death penalty for alleged crimes committed abroad.

Last month, Citizenship and Immigration Canada told Canwest News Service that Chowdhury's fate would be determined in part by whether his deportation would result in certain death or only the "mere possibility" of a hanging.

But Thursday's executions of Chowdhury's alleged co-conspirators send a clear signal about the fate that could await him if he's sent back to his home country.

Bangladeshi Law Minister Shafique Ahmed visited Canada in November to push for Chowdhury's deportation. He vowed after Thursday's executions that all of those convicted of killing Rahman will be brought to justice eventually. He also told reporters in Dhaka that the Canadian government supports Chowdhury's deportation and that "only the legal formalities are pending now" before his return to Bangladesh.

But Ahmed added that Chowdhury and the others found guilty in the assassination case — all of whom were tried in absentia more than a decade ago — will have the opportunity to appeal their convictions.

The death penalty has been a contentious issue for Prime Minister Stephen Harper, whose government lost a Federal Court lawsuit last year over its refusal to seek clemency for Canadian-born killer Ronald Smith, now on death row in the U.S.

"In cases where the death penalty is a possibility, the government will seek assurances from the country to which the person is being returned that, if found guilty and convicted, the death penalty will not be imposed," a Citizenship and Immigration spokesperson told Canwest News Service in December.

Prevented by privacy rules from discussing details of Chowdhury's case — which the department has acknowledged involves a "complex" combination of immigration law and international diplomacy — a spokesperson explained at the time that a deportation review panel must assess "whether there is more than a mere possibility that the person will face the death penalty" before issuing a ruling.

On Thursday, CIC spokesperson Karen Shadd added that Canada's "pre-removal risk assessment" for potential deportees "evaluates whether a person would face persecution, torture, risk to life or risk of cruel and unusual treatment or punishment" if sent to face charges in another country.

Apart from the fact that Chowdhury has already been convicted and sentenced to death for the 1975 killings, and that five executions have now been carried out in connection with the deaths, the case is further complicated by the fact Rahman's daughter is currently serving as Bangladesh's prime minister.

Sheik Hasina Wajed was visiting Europe 34 years ago when her father was assassinated and several other family members were killed in the coup d'etat. With Wajed now holding one of Bangladesh's most powerful political posts, Canada is in a particularly difficult position as it decides what to do with her father's alleged killer.

Bangladesh's high commissioner in Ottawa, Yakub Ali, said in December that Chowdhury "committed a heinous crime" and should be deported.

Chowdhury arrived in Canada in 1996 after a lengthy career as a Bangladeshi diplomat under the post-Rahman regime. He was granted visitor status on July 5, 1996, and soon after filed a refugee claim — the same year that Wajed first became prime minister of Bangladesh and vowed to bring her father's killers to justice.

Chowdhury's first refugee hearing was held in 1999, and he faced a string of defeats beginning in 2002, when his application was initially denied, court records show. He was again denied in 2004, 2005 and 2006.

But Chowdhury was not immediately sent back to Bangladesh by Canadian authorities because he faced the death penalty in his home country, according to a 2004 fax message sent by Interpol Ottawa to the Canada Border Services Agency.

The message, filed in Federal Court, said: "If there's a change of policy in Canada or Bangladesh regarding the sentencing, the subject may be extradited then." #

Syndicated by Canwest News Service©, Canada, January 28, 2010

A tale of two countries

Picture (by unknown photographer) of the founder of Bangladesh Shiekh Mujibur Rahman lying in a pool of blood in the stairwell was assassinated in a military putsch by a dozen military officers

ON AUGUST 15, 1975, the founder of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, was killed by a group of army officers. A total of 28 people were killed that day, including Mujib’s entire family and the domestic staff. He was survived by two daughters who were on a visit abroad at that time; one of them is the current premier of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina Wajid. After almost 35 years, Bangladesh hanged five men who were convicted for the crime. Six other convicted officers are living in exile abroad.

Mujib’s murder wreaked havoc in Bangladesh. The country was not even four years old when it had to face a military coup after the tragic incident. The perpetrators of this heinous crime were people from the Bangladeshi army who were wedded to the idea of a united Pakistan. They blamed Mujib for taking India’s help in fighting West Pakistan and virtually becoming an Indian colony in the aftermath of the fall of Dhaka in 1971. Whether Pakistan was responsible for Mujib’s assassination cannot be ascertained beyond reasonable doubt, but the military operation and the consequent atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army against the Bengalis cannot be denied. India supported the insurgency in East Pakistan, though it could be argued that given the radicalisation of Indian’s West Bengal and the Naxalite movement, the Indians did not want another radical movement on its hands in East Pakistan. When West Pakistan denied Mujib the right to form a government even after his Awami League got a majority of seats, the emergence of Bangladesh seemed all but inevitable.

There are many interesting parallels between Pakistan and Bangladesh. Two major political players of the 1970s — Zulfikar Bhutto and Sheikh Mujib — were killed by the military, be it in the form of the direct assassination of Mujib or the alleged judicial murder of Bhutto. Both countries have seen a lot of political unrest, resulting in a series of military coups. As far as democratically elected governments are concerned, a two-party system exists in both countries, resulting in a game of musical chairs between the PPP and the PML-N in Pakistan and Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League and Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in Bangladesh whenever democracy is restored. Dynastic politics, though seen to be relatively unstable, has also played an important role in the two countries. The Zia and Mujib families of Bangladesh and the Bhutto and Sharifs in Pakistan have all been extremely popular in spite of this brand of politics. Since democracy has finally been restored in Bangladesh and Pakistan after a long struggle, it is hoped that the two countries would also move away from this type of nepotistic politics sometime in the future.

Now that a violent chapter in Bangladesh’s history has been closed, Pakistan too is waiting for justice in Zulfikar Bhutto’s case. Senior Minister Raja Riaz of the PPP has demanded the reopening of Bhutto’s murder case and quoted the example of the recent execution of Mujib’s murderers. He demanded that the chief justice of Pakistan should also reopen the Bhutto case and hold the guilty accountable.

It cannot be gainsaid that democracy is vital to the people of both nations, thus we need to move forward to a credible democratic system. A strong democracy will close the doors for another military dictatorship. We no longer want to be governed by self-imposed rulers who boast of providing better opportunities for the nation, yet they only benefit themselves at the cost of public welfare. This trend must be reversed so as to make Pakistan and Bangladesh stronger, both politically and economically. #

The editorial was published in The Daily Times, Pakistan, January 30, 2010

Bitter legacy of Bangladeshi hero's killing

AP Photo/ Pavel Rahman: Supporters of country's independence leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman shout slogans as they carry a portrait of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the eldest daughter of the independence hero, outside the Dhaka central jail in Dhaka, Bangladesh, early January 28, 2010.

MARK DUMMET

IN THE end, in the dead of night, it all happened very quickly.

Five former soldiers, convicted of the killing of Bangladesh's independence leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, were hanged just after midnight, hours after the Supreme Court had rejected their final appeal.

Their relatives were called in to Dhaka Central Jail for a last, rushed visit before the executions.

Later, they were allowed to collect the corpses and take them home in ambulances.

As the vehicles drove through the crowds, they were pelted with shoes, and some shouted that the bodies should not be buried on Bangladeshi soil.

Emotions are high. The supporters and surviving family members of the country's first prime minister, popularly known as Mujib, have had to wait a long time for this moment.

Life's mission
The coup leaders, a group of disillusioned, arrogant and ambitious junior officers, had him gunned down just before dawn on 15 August 1975.

They also killed his wife, three sons, two daughters-in-law and about 20 other relatives and supporters to prevent any of them from launching a counter-attack.

The military government they installed then gave them indemnity, some were later made diplomats, and the two ring leaders even formed their own political party and contested elections.

But Mujib's two daughters were out of the country at the time of the massacre and one of them, Sheikh Hasina, made it her life's mission to avenge the deaths.

She took on the reins of her father's Awami League party, and then became prime minister herself in 1996.

She had the killers living in Bangladesh arrested and put on trial. Six others remain in hiding abroad.

The men were found guilty of Mujib's murder, but Hasina lost the next elections.

And the next government, led by the party which had ultimately benefitted from the coup, did little to pursue the case.

The Awami League, still led by Hasina, returned to power in 2009, and kick-started the appeals process, which finally ended this week.

For many Bangladeshis, who remain loyal to the memory of the man who won the country's independence from Pakistan in 1971, the guilty verdict, and these executions, correct a massive injustice.

"I am satisfied that at the end of the day justice has been delivered," Anisul Haq, the state's main lawyer in the case told the BBC.

"This gives us the assurance that whatever be the crime, and whoever be the criminal, justice will prevail."

History rewritten
This case, however, is to do with a lot more than justice. It has also to do with how Bangladesh's history is remembered and who can claim legitimacy to govern it in the future.

While Mujib's killers walked free, his role as the independence leader was steadily downplayed, and he was almost written out of the history text books.

Bangladesh's other main party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, instead promoted its founder, Zia Rahman, as the genuine father of the nation.

He was number two in the army when Mujib was killed and later took over as dictator, before he too was assassinated.

His widow, Khaleda Zia, now leads the BNP.

As prime minister she, provocatively, would hold public celebrations for her birthday on 15 August, the day of Mujib's killing.

So, with the Awami League now back in power, the pendulum has swung and this time it is Zia's role which is under attack.

The text books have been rewritten and the Supreme Court ruled that no-one should contest that it was Mujib, rather than Zia, who declared independence.

Sections of the National Museum which dealt with Zia and the liberation war, in which he fought with distinction, were closed.

A mural of him at the main sports stadium was defaced, and the government announced plans to rename Dhaka's Zia International Airport.

Awami League supporters say that they are simply setting the record straight and that Mujib, who they call Bangabandhu - meaning friend of the Bengalis - is only now receiving the honours he deserved.

But this winner-takes-all approach means there is little room for a frank and honest debate of the past.

Divided culture
There is no mention, in public at least, of the fact that Mujib's government had become unpopular by the time of his death; accused of nepotism, corruption and tyranny.

Only those alive at the time remember those things, but most Bangladeshis were born afterwards and they get their history from whichever government is in power.

They certainly do not get it from the newspapers, which are close to the parties, and the best accounts of the periods are now out of print and only available in the second-hand book market.

Most Bangladeshis under the age of 40 are shockingly ill-informed about their country's past.

The coup plotters felt that Mujib had betrayed his people, but by killing him and his family they made things much worse.

The massacre plunged Bangladesh into a terrible cycle of coup and counter-coup which lasted for five years, and left the army in power until 1986.

It is partly thanks to them that Bangladesh has, to this day, such a poisonous and divided political culture.

So the execution of the five former officers might seem final, but the legacy of their appalling crimes remains very much alive today. #

First published in BBC NEWS online, 28 January 2010

Mark Dummet is with BBC News and based in Bangladesh capital Dhaka

Bloodbath on Road 32

INAM AHMED & JULFIKAR ALI MANIK

IT WAS not dawn yet. A false dawn spread its pale light across the sky. At House 677 of Road 32 in Dhanmondi, it was time to change guards while everybody was still in deep sleep: President Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, wife Begum Mujib, sons Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Russell, daughters-in-law, and brother Sheikh Naser.

Bangabandhu's personal assistant AFM Mohitul Islam was on night duty, but he hit the bed around one in the morning. Suddenly the phone rang and he sleepily picked up the receiver. At the other end was the President himself. The clock was about to strike five.

“Get the police control room,” Bangabandhu ordered Mohitul. Mujib just got the message that his brother-in-law Abdur Rab Serniabat's house was under attack.

Mohitul dialled the police but the line did not get through. He then tried to reach the Ganobhaban exchange. Somebody picked up the phone at the other end but would not speak.

Mujib was impatient and asked him why he did not contact the police control room. Shakily, Mohitul gave the President the bad news -- he cannot reach anybody.

Irritated, Bangabandhu took away the telephone receiver from Mohitul.

"This is President Sheikh Mujib speaking," he thundered.

Just then a hail of bullets slammed Mohitul's office room and shattered the windowpanes.

Bangabandhu had little idea that the assassination mission had started. Little did he know he would not live to see the false dawn turning into a morning darker than night.

It was also in this false dawn that Havildar Md Quddus Sikder along with seven other guards were hoisting the national flag to the tune of bugle at Bangabandhu's residence. It was time for the guard changeover. Then he heard gunshots coming from the lakeside.

The guards immediately took position behind the boundary wall. They were baffled and were still looking for bullets to retaliate when some army men in black and khaki uniform thundered into the house through the gate.

“Put your hands up,” they shouted at the guards. The tragedy showed its first signs.

Inside Mohitul's office, Bangabandhu stepped beside a table and pulled Mohitul to the ground. Right then house help Abdul brought Bangabandhu's punjabi and glasses from the first floor. The president quickly put them on and came out into the veranda.

He shouted at the sentries.

"There have been firings all around. What are you doing?"

And off he went to the upper floor where his wife, sons Russell, Jamal and wife Parvin Jamal Rosy and brother Sheikh Abu Naser were sleeping. He did not realise this would be his last meeting with his family.

House help Rama was sleeping on the veranda in front of Bangabandhu's bedroom. It was around five in the morning. Suddenly the door opened and Begum Mujib emerged.

“Criminals have attacked Serniabat's residence,” she said.

Rama sprang up from his sleep. He ran down in panic and went outside the front gate and saw some army men advancing toward the House 677 with weapons raised and firing bullets in the air. An unknown fear gripped him. The immediate person he thought of informing about this impending peril was Sheikh Kamal, Bangabandhu's elder son.

He again entered the house and ran up to the second floor where Kamal and his wife Sultana were staying. He woke Kamal up and somehow blurted out that the army had attacked their house.

Kamal quickly put on his trousers and a shirt and ran to the ground floor. Rama took Kamal's wife Sultana to the first floor where the rest of the family was sleeping.

Rama also woke up Jamal who put on a shirt and trousers and went to his mother's room. His wife followed him there.

All hell broke loose outside as bullets pinged and whizzed around. He heard somebody groaning downstairs. Little did he know that his brother Kamal was getting mutilated by those stinging bullets.

Mohitul saw Kamal coming down to the ground floor. He stood on the veranda and roared: "Army and police members, please come with me." He was trying to locate the sentries.

Just then the killers appeared -- three to four army men in khaki and black fatigues. Automatic weapons held at waist level in front of them. They stopped right in front of Kamal. Mohitul and Nurul Islam, a police officer, stood dumbfounded behind Kamal.

Mohitul recognised Major Bazlul Huda in khaki uniform. He had met him before. Without a warning, Huda shot Kamal first in the leg. Kamal jumped to Mohitul's side by the reception room.

“Tell them I am Sheikh Mujib's son Sheikh Kamal."

“Don't shoot him,” Mohitul pleaded. “He is Sheikh Kamal. Sheikh Mujib's son.”

The killers could not care less. Guns blazed again and bullets bored through Kamal again. He fell dead.

Kamal was only the first small game for the killers. They were looking for the giant. They asked some soldiers to keep watch on Mohitul and the police officer who also suffered a bullet wound in the leg.

In heavy steps they hurried to the first floor where their main target lived. After some time, Mohitul heard the loud voice of Bangabandhu. Gunshots rang out. Mohitul did not know what was happening up there. All he could do is hope that Bangabandhu was not hurt.

But Havildar Quddus saw the terrible event playing out before his eyes.

He was detained from the moment the killers had gone inside the residence boundary. Now they ordered him to follow them to the first floor. He numbly obeyed.

As Huda and Nur stepped on the landing of the staircase, Major Mohiuddin and his soldiers appeared at the top. With them was Bangabandhu. They were coming down.

Quddus was just behind Huda and Nur. Nur said something in English that he could not understand. To this, Major Mohiuddin and his men moved to the side.

“What do you want?” Bangabandhu asked.

Nobody answered.

Suddenly, Huda and Nur pulled the triggers and bullets from their Sten guns rained down on Bangabandhu.

The president collapsed on the stairs, silently, and died and blood flowed first around the landing and then down the stairs. He was still holding his favourite tobacco pipe in one hand and a matchbox in the other.

Mohiuddin, Nur, Huda and others went down and out of the gate through the south side of the house.

For them, the mission was accomplished.

Rama saw Bangabandhu dying in a hail of bullets. He was walking behind the group of Mohiuddin who brought the president out of his room. The killing over, the army men ordered Rama to get lost.

Trembling and feeling weak in his knees, Rama slipped into the bathroom of Begum Mujib's room. Sultana Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and his wife Rosy, Sheikh Russell and Sheikh Naser were all holed up there. Naser was bleeding from his hand.

Rama told Begum Mujib that Bangabandhu had been killed.

Just then the killers returned and kept knocking on the door. The soldiers were too impatient to wait. They fired on the door. A terrifying moment of noise, cordite, flying bullets and splinters.

Then Begum Mujib softly said, "If we will have to die, let's die together." And she opened the door and begged for the lives of her family members.

The army men then herded Sheikh Naser, Sheikh Russell, Begum Mujib and Rama towards the stairs.

Begum Mujib stopped as she saw Bangabandhu lying in a pool of blood on the stairs. She broke into tears and said: "I won't go further. Kill me here."

The killers took Begum Mujib back into her room. Quddus then witnessed another most terrible thing that was to haunt him for the rest of his life. Major Aziz Pasha and Risaldar Muslemuddin started firing from their Sten guns. Begum Mujib, Sheikh Jamal, his wife Rosy, and Kamal's wife Sultana stumbled on the ground with bullets in their bodies.

The killers took Naser, Russell and Rama to the ground floor and made them stand in a line beside Mohitul.

Sheikh Naser pleaded: "I am not into politics, I do business for a living."

Mohitul heard an army officer telling Naser, "We won't hurt you. Take your seat in that room."

He took Naser into the bathroom attached to Mohitul's office and opened fire.

Mohitul could hear Sheikh Naser begging for water. One of the army men winked at another, "Go and give him some water."

Then the other army person went inside the bathroom and shot Naser again.

The most horrifying thing happened next. The killers went up and came down with Russell, Bangabandhu's 10-year-old son -- bewildered and devastated. He first held Rama close and then Mohitul.

"Bhaiya (brother), Will they kill me too?" the child asked.

“No Bhaiya, they won't kill you," Mohitul said. He had no idea what was next.

An army man in khaki uniform wrenched Russell away from Mohitul. The child wanted to go back to his mother.

“Take him to his mother,” Major Pasha ordered an army havildar.

The havildar with a mischievous smile held Russell by his hand and took him to the first floor. Russell was wailing. Then came another burst of gunshots.

A little later, Major Farooq Rahman met Bazlul Huda at the gate.

"All are finished," Huda announced. #

First published in The Daily Star, Bangladesh, January 28, 2010

Inam Ahmed & Julfikar Ali Manik are staffers of The Daily Star

India's Opening With Bangladesh

PHILIP BOWRING

INDIA HAS for so long been obsessed with the security of its north-western frontier and relations with Pakistan that issues on its eastern borders have been neglected. But various events are forcing New Delhi to focus on some interrelated security challenges in the east and northeast. So the four-day state visit to India by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wazed of Bangladesh that began Sunday has an importance far beyond the ceremonial.

While geography alone makes Bangladesh highly dependent on its giant neighbor, India is beginning to appreciate that bullying Bangladesh makes other problems worse. In reality, both nations have security and economic issues that require cooperation.

Three particular issues have brought home India’s eastern vulnerability. The first is China’s newly confrontational stance over its claims to much of the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh. China regards these areas as part of Tibet. That in turn links to the second issue: separatism in some of India’s seven northeast states. The insurgency in the largest state in the region, Assam, may now be at least as troublesome as that in Kashmir. China does not at present appear to be helping the insurgents but clearly has the potential to do so.

One cause of these tensions is the third issue: the relative lack of development in the region, including nearby eastern Indian states such as Bihar and Jharkhand, which has spawned the growing insurgency. The Naxalites, radical communists who have informal links to the Maoists recently in government in Nepal, have become a major threat to the state, killing officials and disrupting rail traffic. Bangladesh may be a poster state of poverty but it has been outshining neighboring Indian states in social development.

The election of Sheikh Hasina last year has opened an opportunity for cooperation with India to which Delhi needs to respond generously. Her Awami League has long been seen as less suspicious of India than the rival Bangladesh National Party of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia. She has bought some Indian good will by arresting and handing over to India the chairman of the separatist United Liberation Front of Assam. Her government is also seen as less likely to turn a blind eye to Islamic militants. But for her own credibility she must get something meaningful in return if good relations with India are to be a vote winner at home.

Top of the Bangladesh wish list is a reduction in trade barriers that contribute to a 10-to-1 trade advantage in India’s favor. But Bangladesh in turn needs to be more open to Indian investment generally and development of its gas industry in particular, which have long been stymied by nationalism and corruption. Likewise both countries have long hurt each other by impeding transit rights and thwarting the full use of rail and river links that date back to British rule. India also has been frustrated by Dhaka’s unwillingness to be a conduit for piping Myanmar gas to energy-short eastern India.

Indeed, oil and gas exploration in the Bay of Bengal is frustrated by lack of agreed boundaries between Bangladesh, India and Myanmar.

Even more fundamental issues need to be addressed. Bangladesh’s biggest security issue is water. It has legitimate worries about Indian plans for dam building on shared water resources that are the lifeblood of all of Bangladesh and much of northern India. Can the two cooperate for mutual benefit — and to oppose any plans China, the source of many of these rivers, has to divert them for its own use?

Indeed, given the depth of Chinese influence in Myanmar and its fostering of relations with Bangladesh, it is surprising that India has not made more effort to treat its neighbor with respect, not condescension. But a new chapter in relations between two nations that share so much culture, language and history could be opening if Delhi responds to Sheikh Hasina’s visit with the generosity and leadership that should be expected of the regional power. #

First published in The New York Times, USA, January 12, 2010

Philip Bowring is Op-Ed Contributor of The New York Times